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The 1980s will be remembered to be a decade of the Gwangju People’s Uprising. It began with the new military dictatorship under Chun Du Hwan and his colleagues and ended with a new era of people’s democratic movement sprang from the Gwangju Uprising. It was a time of ever-intensifying conflicts between military dictatorship and people’s demand for democracy. Korea’s social Protestantism, centered around the National Council of Churches, had been actively fighting against military rulers since the 1970s and continued their noble battle in the 1980s. However, the conservative camp kept silence on socio-political issues as they had done in previous years. The conservative Christians argued that church and state should be separate and the God-appointed rulers should be honored.
As the 1980s passed, the Korean society’s suffering intensified and the conflicts between the rulers and demonstrators were getting bloodier. It was increasingly difficult for conservative Christians to defend their silence in front of manifest evil. Naturally, some people from the conservative Protestantism, especially socially-conscious youths, began finding out ways to express their social concerns. In so doing, they had to justify theologically their social activities. They found new interpretations of the Kingdom of God by such evangelical scholars as George E. Ladd, Herman Ridderbos, and Anthony Hoekema helpful. Besides evangelical social concerns epitomized by such theological declarations as the Lausanne Covenant, the Chicago Declaration, and the Wheaton Declaration provided them encouragements and motivation. New mission theologies and context theologies developed by progressive theologians around the World Council of Churches also gave them challenges and inspiration.
Two individuals who could be regarded as the representatives of the conservative church's social activities were Yi Man-Yol and Son Bong-Ho. Professor Yi, after a deep disappointment at the conservative churches’ cooperation with Park Jeong Hi’s Yusin, studied Korean church history to see how early Christians faced a similar situation in late Yi Dynasty. He found that early Korean Christians were progressive and nationalistic, and hence were very active in socio-political issues. His rediscovery of Korean Christian nationalism led him to an active participation in democratic movements since the 1970s. Professor Son’s theory of social concern could be titled as prophetic pessimism which he first developed in his doctoral dissertation. Since he thought that human beings should be changed prior to a structural betterment, he was reluctant to take an active role until the late 1980s when most activists were demanding structural changes.
It was not until the late 19808 that conservative Christians began expressing their socia-political concerns. The watershed was around 1987 when ordinary people joined the democratic movement amass. By that time the fight against military dictatorship by a few activists transformed into a popular movement. Socially-conscious conservative Christians felt safe that their social theology could be openly expressed and brought into action. Their time had come, but what brought the time was progressive context theologies that they criticized so bitterly since the 1970s.
As the 1980s passed, the Korean society’s suffering intensified and the conflicts between the rulers and demonstrators were getting bloodier. It was increasingly difficult for conservative Christians to defend their silence in front of manifest evil. Naturally, some people from the conservative Protestantism, especially socially-conscious youths, began finding out ways to express their social concerns. In so doing, they had to justify theologically their social activities. They found new interpretations of the Kingdom of God by such evangelical scholars as George E. Ladd, Herman Ridderbos, and Anthony Hoekema helpful. Besides evangelical social concerns epitomized by such theological declarations as the Lausanne Covenant, the Chicago Declaration, and the Wheaton Declaration provided them encouragements and motivation. New mission theologies and context theologies developed by progressive theologians around the World Council of Churches also gave them challenges and inspiration.
Two individuals who could be regarded as the representatives of the conservative church's social activities were Yi Man-Yol and Son Bong-Ho. Professor Yi, after a deep disappointment at the conservative churches’ cooperation with Park Jeong Hi’s Yusin, studied Korean church history to see how early Christians faced a similar situation in late Yi Dynasty. He found that early Korean Christians were progressive and nationalistic, and hence were very active in socio-political issues. His rediscovery of Korean Christian nationalism led him to an active participation in democratic movements since the 1970s. Professor Son’s theory of social concern could be titled as prophetic pessimism which he first developed in his doctoral dissertation. Since he thought that human beings should be changed prior to a structural betterment, he was reluctant to take an active role until the late 1980s when most activists were demanding structural changes.
It was not until the late 19808 that conservative Christians began expressing their socia-political concerns. The watershed was around 1987 when ordinary people joined the democratic movement amass. By that time the fight against military dictatorship by a few activists transformed into a popular movement. Socially-conscious conservative Christians felt safe that their social theology could be openly expressed and brought into action. Their time had come, but what brought the time was progressive context theologies that they criticized so bitterly since the 1970s.
목차
1. 들어가는 말
2. 복음주의적 사회참여의 신학적 배경
3. 복음주의적 참여신학의 형성과정 : 두가지 사례
4. 맺는 말
Abstract
“1980년대 이후 보수교회 사회참여의 신학적 기반”에 대한 논찬
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