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학술연구/단체지원/교육 등 연구자 활동을 지속하도록 DBpia가 지원하고 있어요.
커뮤니티
연구자들이 자신의 연구와 전문성을 널리 알리고, 새로운 협력의 기회를 만들 수 있는 네트워킹 공간이에요.
초록· 키워드
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Recently, there have been many studies which concentrated upon the local ruling system(in administrative terms) and the process of such ruling. Yun Hae Dong’s 『Ruling and Autonomy』 is a highly recommendable piece of study, for many reasons. It provides a thorough summary of the history of administrative local ruling during the Japanese occupation period, and especially provides a thorough analysis of the Joseon governor general office’s local ruling system in terms of the Myeon administration and local village offices. This study also examines the roles and functions of the middle figures or Gujang leaders inside the villages, or Myeonjang figures of the Myeon units that showed certain changes as time passed. Also, the internal diversification and reorganization of Donggyae-type organizations(which operated for public interests) inside the villages during the ‘general mobilization’ period are meticulously examined.
But this study did not consider the existence of a collaboration between the bureaucratic officials and local influentials which continued in Gun-level local administration, which was the centerpiece of local ruling during the Japanese occupation period. As a result, description of the local ruling system maintained by the Joseon Governor General office is lacking details, and discussions of the nature of certain concepts such as colonial modernity or public interest are lacking balanced approaches. In this commentary, the view of this commenter regarding the relationship between the local ruling system of the Joseon Governor General office and the collaboration between bureaucratic officials and local influentials in Gun-level local administration will first be revealed, and then I will try to critically analyze Yun Hae Dong’s position upon the subjects like political and social changes occurred in the status of the Myeon and village offices, or the political initiatives taken by the middle figures inside the villages, or concepts such as ‘Colonial modernity’ or ‘Public interests in colonized states(colonial collaboration)’.
This commenter wish to emphasize that Yun Hae Dong’s assessment is correct, in which he observed that the number of areas one could find morally grey in terms of one’s perceiving and evaluating the nature of the colonized period would helplessly increase if age-old concepts and codes such as ‘Ruling’ and ‘Resistance’, or ‘Nationality’ and ‘Modernity’ are inappropriately dragged into the historical evaluation of the Japanese occupation period. In order to effectively examine and appropriately describe all the monopoly of power or material, or the redistribution of such sources, and all the clashes and conflicts that continued among classes inside the local communities during the Japanese occupation period, diverse concepts and diverse frames of narration should be employed. Yet over-indulging oneself in exploring such ambiguous nature of the situation of the time, or the complicated, multi-layered nature of historical events, or the people’s own duplicity and instability, might lead to an explosive increase in the number of areas too ‘morally grey’ to evaluate in specific terms, despite the researchers’ best intentions.
But this study did not consider the existence of a collaboration between the bureaucratic officials and local influentials which continued in Gun-level local administration, which was the centerpiece of local ruling during the Japanese occupation period. As a result, description of the local ruling system maintained by the Joseon Governor General office is lacking details, and discussions of the nature of certain concepts such as colonial modernity or public interest are lacking balanced approaches. In this commentary, the view of this commenter regarding the relationship between the local ruling system of the Joseon Governor General office and the collaboration between bureaucratic officials and local influentials in Gun-level local administration will first be revealed, and then I will try to critically analyze Yun Hae Dong’s position upon the subjects like political and social changes occurred in the status of the Myeon and village offices, or the political initiatives taken by the middle figures inside the villages, or concepts such as ‘Colonial modernity’ or ‘Public interests in colonized states(colonial collaboration)’.
This commenter wish to emphasize that Yun Hae Dong’s assessment is correct, in which he observed that the number of areas one could find morally grey in terms of one’s perceiving and evaluating the nature of the colonized period would helplessly increase if age-old concepts and codes such as ‘Ruling’ and ‘Resistance’, or ‘Nationality’ and ‘Modernity’ are inappropriately dragged into the historical evaluation of the Japanese occupation period. In order to effectively examine and appropriately describe all the monopoly of power or material, or the redistribution of such sources, and all the clashes and conflicts that continued among classes inside the local communities during the Japanese occupation period, diverse concepts and diverse frames of narration should be employed. Yet over-indulging oneself in exploring such ambiguous nature of the situation of the time, or the complicated, multi-layered nature of historical events, or the people’s own duplicity and instability, might lead to an explosive increase in the number of areas too ‘morally grey’ to evaluate in specific terms, despite the researchers’ best intentions.
목차
1. 문제제기
2. 군 단위 ‘관료―유지 지배체제’의 특성
3. 군 단위 유지집단의 사회적 구성과 역할
4. 촌락의 정치사회적 위상
5. 식민지 근대성론과 공공성론
6. 식민지 정치사 연구 방법
Abstract
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UCI(KEPA) : I410-ECN-0101-2009-911-016563249