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논문 기본 정보

자료유형
학술저널
저자정보
김지훈 (연세대학교)
저널정보
한국역사연구회 역사와현실 역사와 현실 제104호
발행연도
2017.6
수록면
337 - 372 (36page)
DOI
10.35865/YWH.2017.06.104.337

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초록· 키워드

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The U.S. Military Government launched the ‘Korean Constabulary,’ which became the foundation for the Korean(South Korean) Army. It was supposed to maintain political neutrality. The political situation of recently liberated Korea was murky at best at the time, so the soldiers were not to disclose their political aspirations or preference, and also not to use the military for their own political agendas. But ironically, this ‘political neutrality principle’ turned out to be what eventually allowed elements from the South Korean Labor party to slip into military ranks. Increased ideological frictions amongst officers started to appear in the form of minor commotions, or incidents of soldiers crossing the border to go over to North Korea. Ultimately, even a series of revolts (usually called as the “Yeosoo-Sunchun Rebellion”) began to break out.
In response to such incidents, Minister of National Defense Lee Beom-seok ordered the installation of a ‘Troop Infornation&Education’ system, based upon his own experiences with the political warfare of the Kuomintang of China. This Chinese “Jeong-gong” system was from the Party’s own Leninist commissar legacy, and was designed to apply Fascist methods in army operations, for Anti-Communist purposes. Lee also inserted ‘Korea National Youth Corps’ agents -named after the Chinese training specialists- inside the units’ TI&E bodies, in order to train Korean troops just as the Kuomuntang did with their own soldiers.
But unlike the Chinese situation, the Korean political arena was composed of multiple parties and there was a notion of the aforementioned ‘political neutrality.’ So the Korean army’s TI&E had to be modified from the Chinese model before being applied to the Korean situation. Instead of building Party-controlled troops, the Korean system developed an administrative structure and through that enforced ideological conditioning of the soldiers. This kind of approach to troops orientation has so far been understood as a Fascist approach to the matter, but this seems like an issue that would have to be evaluated not only in terms of its implications in the Cold-war and U.S. interests and all, but also in terms of how the South Korean regime and society dealt with the constant possibility of civil disturbances in a ‘Northeast Asian way.’ Some might say it was not an ineffective methodology.

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머리말
1. 군대의 사상적 균열과 정훈 도입 논의
2. 정훈국의 구성과 중국국민당 정공의 변용
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참고문헌
Abstract

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