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학술연구/단체지원/교육 등 연구자 활동을 지속하도록 DBpia가 지원하고 있어요.
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연구자들이 자신의 연구와 전문성을 널리 알리고, 새로운 협력의 기회를 만들 수 있는 네트워킹 공간이에요.
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초록· 키워드
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This writing was composed as follows. The double frame in the relations(between both of communist parties and between both of governments) with North Korea during the time of the Soviet Union was explained, followed by an explanation of how was the dualistic frame in the relations converted to the asymmetric frames of the (Russian) government ⇔ (North Korean) government ⇔ (Chosen Rodongdang) party with appearance of Russia. Moreover, new important points for recognizing North Korea by Russia were examined, and the careful prospects for the relations between two countries were examined lastly. This writing established a presupposition to examine the relations between North Korea and the Soviet Union/Russia by focusing on the Soviet Union and Russia.
When organizing the matters examined up to now, they are as follows.
Firstly, the (Chosen Rodongdang) Party ⇔ (North Korean) government ⇔ (Russian) government structures as the ambiguous relations, which excluded the (Chosen Rodongdang) party ⇔ (CPSU) party relations from a framework of the relations with North Korea that changed with emergence of Russia were examined.
Secondly, North Korea-Russia relations proceeded without any significant points during the initial stage of the Yeltsin Administration due to lack of experience by the government that assumed the role of the party, lack of adaptability to new roles, confusion in perception toward new environment, difficulties in domestic conditions of Russia, and a decline in the international status were explained.
Thirdly, restoration of economy, restoration of confidence in domestic politics and the learning effect on the government officials, however, contributed to establishing the national development strategy based on practicality with emergence of the Putin Administration, and North Korea being perceived from a practical viewpoint for implementing such was pointed out.
Fourthly, an example of perceiving North Korea as a factor in causing most obstruction in pursuing national interest by Russia in Northeast Asia was presented.
In the end, a careful hypothesis on how Russia would regard the North Korea in itself, and the North Korean Nuclear crisis as, for her, the good or the bad was established.
The distinctive features and limitation possessed by this paper are as follows, which are passages that need to be studied in the future.
Firstly, North Korea-Soviet/Russia relations were explained centering only on the positions of the Soviet Union/Russia. Even the position of North Korea was not considered seriously, a point of grasping with the process of reciprocal action at least was lacking.
Secondly, observing the relations between two countries by placing the relations with other countries over it was lacking.
Thirdly, the paper that could have little more persuasiveness when observing the actual relations between two countries by referring to an existing theoretical framework is missed. For example, applying the positions of two countries with various frameworks of the liberalist position and the realist position described in the international political theory is desirable.
When organizing the matters examined up to now, they are as follows.
Firstly, the (Chosen Rodongdang) Party ⇔ (North Korean) government ⇔ (Russian) government structures as the ambiguous relations, which excluded the (Chosen Rodongdang) party ⇔ (CPSU) party relations from a framework of the relations with North Korea that changed with emergence of Russia were examined.
Secondly, North Korea-Russia relations proceeded without any significant points during the initial stage of the Yeltsin Administration due to lack of experience by the government that assumed the role of the party, lack of adaptability to new roles, confusion in perception toward new environment, difficulties in domestic conditions of Russia, and a decline in the international status were explained.
Thirdly, restoration of economy, restoration of confidence in domestic politics and the learning effect on the government officials, however, contributed to establishing the national development strategy based on practicality with emergence of the Putin Administration, and North Korea being perceived from a practical viewpoint for implementing such was pointed out.
Fourthly, an example of perceiving North Korea as a factor in causing most obstruction in pursuing national interest by Russia in Northeast Asia was presented.
In the end, a careful hypothesis on how Russia would regard the North Korea in itself, and the North Korean Nuclear crisis as, for her, the good or the bad was established.
The distinctive features and limitation possessed by this paper are as follows, which are passages that need to be studied in the future.
Firstly, North Korea-Soviet/Russia relations were explained centering only on the positions of the Soviet Union/Russia. Even the position of North Korea was not considered seriously, a point of grasping with the process of reciprocal action at least was lacking.
Secondly, observing the relations between two countries by placing the relations with other countries over it was lacking.
Thirdly, the paper that could have little more persuasiveness when observing the actual relations between two countries by referring to an existing theoretical framework is missed. For example, applying the positions of two countries with various frameworks of the liberalist position and the realist position described in the international political theory is desirable.
목차
Ⅰ. 들어가는 말
Ⅱ. 북소 관계의 이중구조
Ⅲ. 러시아의 대북인식의 변화
Ⅳ. 전망
Ⅴ. 맺는말
참고문헌
Abstract
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UCI(KEPA) : I410-ECN-0101-2009-309-018914271