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자료유형
학술저널
저자정보
저널정보
경희대학교 언어정보연구소 언어연구 언어연구 제32권 제1호
발행연도
2015.1
수록면
125 - 149 (25page)

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In order to capture the A/A’-distinction at LF, Takahashi (2006, 2010) and Takahashi and Hulsey (2009) propose that the complement of D can optionally undergo late merge: that is, D can merge with its complement after it undergoes A-movement. Lebeaux (2009) puts forth an analogous idea: the complement of D is generated as a pro, and the pro is replaced by an overt NP after A-movement takes place. Both approaches are based on the assumption that thematic roles must be assigned as early as possible—the assumption that thematic role assignment is subject to the principle of earliness. These approaches, however, run into several problems, including the A/A’-distinction at PF—the phenomenon that DP-traces, unlike wh-traces, are not visible at PF. In this article, I propose that the A/A’-distinction at LF and PF originates from the fact that the subject can be base-generated either in a thematic position or in a Case-position, which in turn results from the fact that (i) arguments are associated with their thematic role via a λ-conversion (Heim and Kratzer 1998), and (ii) the λ-operator can be percolated via function composition (Di Sciullo and Williams 1987). This article shows that the thematic approach provides a principled account not only for the A/A’-distinction at LF and PF but also for many other phenomena, including the complement/adjunct asymmetry, Barss’s generalization, and the predicate/non-predicate asymmetry.

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