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논문 기본 정보

자료유형
학술저널
저자정보
저널정보
한국동남아학회 동남아시아연구 동남아시아연구 제19권 제3호
발행연도
2009.1
수록면
187 - 219 (33page)

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The purpose of this study is to explore that how the burmese armed forces sustain their balance of power in the factional struggle and reshuffle focusing on the patron-client relationship. Although neomilitary junta has been intervening the political society as an institution since 1988 coup, the regime type is a kind of personal one because the dictator has an absolute power to decide any policy on the regular mechanism for the regime survival. With generalized personal ruling order, a patron-client relationship which stands for personal subordinate linkage is supported among the top level of the armed forces so that regime type of Myanmar strengthen personal one. Power system, so called a contested clientelism, by three strong iron masks was weakened after the death of Ne Win who was the number one patron of the present armed forces. A contested clientelism seems to be back a monopolistic clientelism after the sack of the prime minister Khin Nyunt who was fully sponsored by Ne Win. In addition, the factional feature has been changing from a positional duty to a functional one such as military responsibilities contrast to economic responsibilities since 2004. Therefore, the internal cleavage of the armed forces is only conflict for political resources. Here we have two conclusions from this study. First, the military regime of Myanmar is managed in the frame of reciprocal patron-client relationship and a size of power pyramid is flexible followed by a subject of patron. Obviously military regime of Myanmar is not an integrated political unit but a political association which is composed of two or three exclusive power pyramids. Second, more power pyramids are stronger, more political resources gain in the armed forces. If this mechanism is not abided, patron of the power pyramid can be sacked and may be collapsed its pyramid. There will be held a general election in 2010. A personal regime type strengthen in exploring of quasi civilian government, if the military junta will win in the general election. Hence, power and factional struggle among the military members will manage in the short term.

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