지원사업
학술연구/단체지원/교육 등 연구자 활동을 지속하도록 DBpia가 지원하고 있어요.
커뮤니티
연구자들이 자신의 연구와 전문성을 널리 알리고, 새로운 협력의 기회를 만들 수 있는 네트워킹 공간이에요.
초록· 키워드
오류제보하기
Korean Gapping constructions are examined in this paper, following Johnson (1994, 2003) and López and Winkler (2003). Based on the observation that the Korean honorific si appears in the second conjunct only, it is argued that the operation AGREE takes place in the second conjunct while the ATB movement occurs out of both conjuncts. The first conjunct is accordingly analyzed as the vP conjunct where si never appears. It is claimed that Nominative Case in the gapped conjunct is a default case. The CSC violation does not occur in Korean Gapping due to the weak EPP features which do not raise the subject to the Spec, TP. The negation scope and NPI facts are discussed to show that Gapping is the vP/NegP coordination rather than the CP coordination. The binding facts are argued for the vP coordination analysis against Sohn (2001). The residue of Gapping constructions including wh-phrases and topicalized phrases is analyzed to provide evidence for the vP coordination.
목차
등록된 정보가 없습니다.
참고문헌 (34)
참고문헌 신청
/ 1967 / Constraints on Variables in Syntax
/ 1970 / Gapping and the order of constituents Progress in Linguistics : 249 ~ 259
/ 1987 / Boolean properties in the analysis of Gapping : 201 ~ 240
/ 1987 / Three notes on syntactic movement in Japanese Issues in Japanese Linguistics
/ 1992 / Functional categories in Korean clausal and nominal structures 2 : 427 ~ 464
/ 1970 / Gapping and the order of constituents Progress in Linguistics : 249 ~ 259
/ 1987 / Boolean properties in the analysis of Gapping : 201 ~ 240
/ 1987 / Three notes on syntactic movement in Japanese Issues in Japanese Linguistics
/ 1992 / Functional categories in Korean clausal and nominal structures 2 : 427 ~ 464
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