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학술연구/단체지원/교육 등 연구자 활동을 지속하도록 DBpia가 지원하고 있어요.
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This paper presents a new syntactic account for a group of apparent exceptions to Ross' (1967) Coordinate Structure Constraint (CSC), which bans extraction from a single conjunct in coordinate structure. When Ross discovered the CSC, he also observed the exceptional cases, where extraction is systematically well-formed even if it is only from a single conjunct. An important observation, however, is that the CSC violations are allowed only in VP-coordination. In this paper I propose that the VP-coordination in the traditional sense is not a maximal category coordination, assuming the Split VP hypothesis where the subject appears inside VP (Larson 1988, Chomsky 1993 and later work). Given that only a phrasal category forms a blocking boundary for extraction, the apparently exceptional data are predicted to be well-formed. The data analysis is given by extending the framework of the Minimalist Program (Chomsky 1993 and later work).
목차
1. Introduction
2. Phenomena
3. Analysis: The Split VP Hypothesis
4. Previous analyses
References
참고문헌 (19)
참고문헌 신청
1. [학술지(정기간행물)] - / 1992 / Coordination and VP-internal subjects 23 : 305 ~ 312
2. [학술지(정기간행물)] - / 1986 / Italian Syntax
3. [학술지(정기간행물)] - / 1986 / The MIT Press
4. [학술지(정기간행물)] - / 1991 / Some notes on the economy of derivation and representation Principles and Parameters in Comparative Grammar
5. [학술지(정기간행물)] - / 1993 / A minimalist program for linguistic theory The View from Building 20 The MIT Press
2. [학술지(정기간행물)] - / 1986 / Italian Syntax
3. [학술지(정기간행물)] - / 1986 / The MIT Press
4. [학술지(정기간행물)] - / 1991 / Some notes on the economy of derivation and representation Principles and Parameters in Comparative Grammar
5. [학술지(정기간행물)] - / 1993 / A minimalist program for linguistic theory The View from Building 20 The MIT Press
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UCI(KEPA) : I410-ECN-0101-2009-740-014914489