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자료유형
학술저널
저자정보
저널정보
서울대학교 러시아연구소 러시아연구 러시아연구 제20권 제2호
발행연도
2010.1
수록면
193 - 216 (24page)

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The concept of ‘anti-agentivity’ has frequently been discussed as one of the key features of Russian language and culture. In contrast to western culture, usually characterized as a culture of logic and rationalism, Slavic culture has been described as irrational, receptive, contemplative, and acquiescing to fate. This conception has been actively explored in such fields as literature and history, but has also been developed as a concrete theme in Russian linguistics. This paper examines the structural base of Russian ‘anti-agentivity’ from a generative perspective and considers whether this generally accepted idea about the correlation between Russian language and culture/mind can be justified in syntactic terms. In particular, I show that the HAVE/BE syntactic parameter and related syntactic structures such as applicatives result in dative-infinitive, dative-lexical modal, and dative-reflexive constructions, which, Wierzbicka(1992) suggests, reveal the anti-agentive character of Russian language. The HAVE/BE parameter synchronically appears as a result of the presence/lack of a Case feature in the prepositional complementizer in the possessive structure. Historically, different phases of grammaticalization of an applicative-licensing preposition gave rise to this parameter. I show that the dative-infinitive construction arose as an extension of the HAVE/BE parameter and that the dative-lexical modal and dative-reflexive constructions derived from an ongoing grammaticalization process that resulted in the HAVE/BE parameter. Given that all these constructions are the consequence of a feature setting in a functional constituent, I argue that the so-called anti-agentivity based on the use of these constructions is not a specifically Russian phenomenon but is a universal syntactic phenomenon without a functional motivation.

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