국민의 생명과 안전을 지켜야 할 국군임에도 불구하고, 5·18민주화운동 당시 공수제3여단 등 총 1만 3천 4백여 명(총 1개 군단 규모)이 ‘충정작전’에 기초하여 광주시민들에 대하여 불법한 방법의 신체 공격행위 등 (내란죄의 폭행-형법 제260조) 폭력을 행사하였다. 5월 18일∼19일, 총(개머리판, 진압봉, 착검)을 사용한 살육에 가까운 행위 등 일련의 존엄성 저해 행위에 분노한 시민들은 돌과 각목 등으로 저항하다, 5월 20일∼21일, 군의 발포 행위에 대항하여 안전과 생존을 위하여 예비군 훈련용의 M1이나 칼빈 등 ‘총’을 들고 공방전(대응발사 등)이 일부 전개되었으나 그것은 ‘치열한 시가전’이었다기 보다는 사전 계획된 국가폭력에 대한 대응물리력의 행사(반격방어)로서의 성격이 강하였다. 5월 22일부터 「수습대책위원회」가 조직되어 총기회수에 나서고 항쟁공동체에 의한 자율적인 질서가 유지되기 시작하였으며, 5월 24일 지역방위대라는 명칭의 조직마저 해산되고 기동순찰대가 5월 24∼26일 ‘총’을 들고 활동하였으며, 5월 27일 막대한 군사력의 강제진압군에 맞서 자위수단으로 ‘총’을 들고 항전하였다. 5·18 민주화운동 기간 동안 도청에 상황실이 존재하였다고는 하나 시민‘군’이라고 할만한 군사적 조직이 존재하였다고 보기 어려우며, 거주자(목격자)의 관점을 더하면, 5·18의 ‘총’은 기간에 따라 저항, 대응, 질서유지, 자위 등 평화적 생존을 위한 대항물리력(필요최소한의 실력)으로서 의미를 가지며, ‘총’을 든 시민은 국가폭력에 항의하여 평화적 생존과 안전을 주창한 인권의 주체라고도 할 수 있다. 5·18민주화운동에서 등장한 ‘총’을 극단적인 폭력이 자행되는 계엄상태에서 민주정치를 가능하게 하기 위하여 그리고 평화와 안전을 희구하는 과정의 대항물리력으로서의 ‘총’으로 재해석했을 때, 5·18 이후의 평화적 수단에 의한 항의와 그를 통한 정치공동체 형성과 더 일맥상통하게 되며, 더욱 더 발전적인 승화점이 될 수 있다고 생각한다.
5·18 was remarkable as a democratization movement, but it had a huge social impact in that it was the first time since the Korean War that images of citizen soldiers armed with ‘guns’ appeared. There are various discourses such as the gun as a symbol of the right to resistance and the right to revolution, but there is a need to reexamine it from the perspective of the right to peace, which is spreading in the international community, including the United Nations, while focusing on human safety and peaceful survival. The ROK Armed Forces, which are supposed to protect the lives and safety of the people, at the time of 518, a total of 13,400 people (the size of one corps), including the 3rd Airborne Brigade, used illegal methods such as physical attacks against the citizens of Gwangju based on ‘Operation Loyalty’. Physical force was used (assault for rebellion - Article 260 of the Criminal Act). During May 18th∼May 19th Citizens who were enraged by a series of acts that undermined their dignity, including acts close to slaughter using guns (butts, batons, and point-blank swords), initially resisted with stones and wooden blocks. Between May 19th and 21th, In response to the military’s shooting, some counter-attacks (responsive firing) were carried out with reserve force training M1, Carbine guns for safety and survival, but it was not a ‘fierce street battle’ but a pre-planned excessive suppression (assault on charges of rebellion) had a strong character as an exercise of physical strength (counterattack defense). Unorganized use of physical strength continued from May 22nd to 24th, and on May 24th, the organization called the ‘Regional Defense Strength’ was disbanded and a mobile patrol unit to maintain order was activated with ‘guns’, and on May 27th, self-defense against the forcible suppression force of enormous military power. He fought with ‘guns’ as a means of fighting. Although ‘the situation room’ existed in the provincial office during the 5·18 Gwangju Democratization Movement, it is difficult to say that a military organization that could be called a citizen army existed, and the ‘guns’ of 5・18 were used as counter-physical strength (necessary) for peaceful survival, such as resistance, response, maintenance of order, and selfdefense, depending on the period. It has the meaning of minimum skills, and citizens holding ‘guns’ can be said to be subjects of human rights who protest against state violence and advocate for peaceful survival and safety. In order to enable democratic politics in martial law where extreme violence is committed, and when reinterpreted as ‘guns’ seeking peace and safety, I think it is more smoothly connected to the formation of a political community by the current peaceful means after 5·18.