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논문 기본 정보
- 자료유형
- 학술저널
- 저자정보
- 발행연도
- 2021.6
- 수록면
- 63 - 93 (31page)
- DOI
- 10.29323/mchina.2021.6.90.63
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초록· 키워드
오류제보하기
Lee Wanyong is not only the well-known quisling in Korea, but also the byword of “quisling” in modern China, and the name is used as a negative example to blame the traitors and to caution the masses. From the end of Qing Dynasty to the early days of the Republic of China, when external crises of China continued and even got worse, the production of knowledge and discourses about Lee Wanyong continued as well. Especially after 1915, as the confliction with Japan gradually rose to the principal contradiction of Chinese external relations, Lee Wonyong as a label finally changed from general reference of powers that fawning to foreign countries to a byword that specifically means pro-Japanese faction.
On the background of external crisis interwoven with internal faction, various public opinions and factional powers used Lee Wonyong to refer to the objects that they tried to attack, so that a large number of Lee Wanyong of Chinese version was produced. In other words, Lee Wanyong largely became a symbol of political rhetoric and stigmatization under the factional background in China. Therefore, the process of the production of quislings who are like Lee Wanyong is a part of how anti-Japanese nationalism built the history in modern China.
Nonetheless, it is improper and not in line with historical facts to put the blame for the falling of Choson on individual “traitors” such as Lee Wonyong. Quite different from the rough argument that the public opinions often refer Lee Wonyong as quisling and put the blame on specific person for the falling crisis of a nation, a few intellectuals analyzed the ending of Choson at the internal level, such as Korean social structure, national character, etc. The analyzation made at that time reflected the anxiety caused by the internal and external crises in China of the days and “Sinocentrism” complex left by the traditional suzerain-vassal order, but compared with outpouring the feelings by holding specific quislings accountable and the roaring public voice from the flaring anger among people, this kind of discourse actually appears more sober and objective to reflect on the colonial history of Choson and the social crises of modern China.
On the background of external crisis interwoven with internal faction, various public opinions and factional powers used Lee Wonyong to refer to the objects that they tried to attack, so that a large number of Lee Wanyong of Chinese version was produced. In other words, Lee Wanyong largely became a symbol of political rhetoric and stigmatization under the factional background in China. Therefore, the process of the production of quislings who are like Lee Wanyong is a part of how anti-Japanese nationalism built the history in modern China.
Nonetheless, it is improper and not in line with historical facts to put the blame for the falling of Choson on individual “traitors” such as Lee Wonyong. Quite different from the rough argument that the public opinions often refer Lee Wonyong as quisling and put the blame on specific person for the falling crisis of a nation, a few intellectuals analyzed the ending of Choson at the internal level, such as Korean social structure, national character, etc. The analyzation made at that time reflected the anxiety caused by the internal and external crises in China of the days and “Sinocentrism” complex left by the traditional suzerain-vassal order, but compared with outpouring the feelings by holding specific quislings accountable and the roaring public voice from the flaring anger among people, this kind of discourse actually appears more sober and objective to reflect on the colonial history of Choson and the social crises of modern China.
목차
Ⅰ. 머리말
Ⅱ. 이완용 관련 지식의 생산과 전파
Ⅲ. 중국의 반일 운동과 이완용의 부호화
Ⅳ. 중국 지식인의 조선 망국 원인과 매국노 책임론 인식
Ⅴ. 맺음말
참고문헌
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