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자료유형
학술저널
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저널정보
통일연구원 International Journal of Korean Unification Studies International Journal of Korean Unification Studies 제10권 제2호
발행연도
2001.1
수록면
165 - 197 (33page)

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For many countries international tourism has been a significant driver of economic growth, particularly over the last half century. International inbound tourism to the ROK is a relatively recent phenomenon, dating mainly from the Seoul Olympics, but by 2000 it was, according to World Tourism Organization (WTO) data, the 7th largest market in East Asia, outstripping Japan. Although tourism to the DPRK has captured attention recently, with the Hyundai Asan Kumgangsan venture, it is at a far lower level than ROK tourism. Because of the DPRK’s particular international situation, inbound tourism has never been a feasible option until recently, although the country did join the WTO in 1987. Many countries, particularly ROK and the United States, expressly prohibited their citizens from visiting the DPRK and those countries which were friendly, such as the then Soviet Union or China, did not generate outbound tourism. Kim Dae-jung’s ‘sunshine policy,’ and the personal commitment of Hyundai founder Chung Ju-yung, were the catalysts that produced Kumgangsan tourism. However, the number of customers in the early months of 2001 was at half the level of a year earlier, and Hyundai Asan is currently losing 2.5 billion won a month. At this stage, it is uncertain whether the Kumgangsan venture marks the beginning of a take-off for DPRK international tourism, or the end of a brief episode. World, particularly East Asian experience, shows that tourism can produce significant economic benefits. However, it comes at a cost in social, cultural, environmental and political terms. It clearly requires a benign political environment that encompasses the host country and the main source countries. On a practical level it requires certain infrastuctural, transportation and personnel resources, which often need foreign investment and expertise. From a marketing perspective, customer, and travel industry, perceptions of attractiveness, value for money and risk are crucial, and this must be set within the context of competing destinations. This paper surveys the experience of the Republic of Korea in developing international inbound tourism and presents statistics at global, regional and country level, including some countries of particular relevance such as Spain, China, Vietnam and Cuba. It describes current developments in DPRK tourism and attempts to identify the potential for development and the constraints that impede it. In particular, whilst there are formidable infrastructural problems the key constraint is a political one. Pyongyang has not yet moved far enough away from the old, self-defeating approach to tourism which focused on visitors which would eulogize the leadership. It needs to make a firm policy decision that it wants to attract manageable numbers of international tourists, and then analyze rationally how it might achieve that. It is argued that implementation of the June agreement on Kumgangsan - specifically the opening of the land routes and the designation as a special zone - will be an indicator of that decision. The paper was written mid-August 2001 for the conference Korean Studies at the Dawn of the New Millennium held by the Korean Studies Association of Australasia, 24- 25 September at Monash University, Melbourne, Australia. The paper has been revised and amended since then in the light of subsequent events, especially 11 September and the current impasse over Kumgangsan and N-S relations generally. I am grateful to the anonymous reviewers for their comments.

For many countries international tourism has been a significant driver of economic growth, particularly over the last half century. International inbound tourism to the ROK is a relatively recent phenomenon, dating mainly from the Seoul Olympics, but by 2000 it was, according to World Tourism Organization (WTO) data, the 7th largest market in East Asia, outstripping Japan. Although tourism to the DPRK has captured attention recently, with the Hyundai Asan Kumgangsan venture, it is at a far lower level than ROK tourism. Because of the DPRK’s particular international situation, inbound tourism has never been a feasible option until recently, although the country did join the WTO in 1987. Many countries, particularly ROK and the United States, expressly prohibited their citizens from visiting the DPRK and those countries which were friendly, such as the then Soviet Union or China, did not generate outbound tourism. Kim Dae-jung’s ‘sunshine policy,’ and the personal commitment of Hyundai founder Chung Ju-yung, were the catalysts that produced Kumgangsan tourism. However, the number of customers in the early months of 2001 was at half the level of a year earlier, and Hyundai Asan is currently losing 2.5 billion won a month. At this stage, it is uncertain whether the Kumgangsan venture marks the beginning of a take-off for DPRK international tourism, or the end of a brief episode. World, particularly East Asian experience, shows that tourism can produce significant economic benefits. However, it comes at a cost in social, cultural, environmental and political terms. It clearly requires a benign political environment that encompasses the host country and the main source countries. On a practical level it requires certain infrastuctural, transportation and personnel resources, which often need foreign investment and expertise. From a marketing perspective, customer, and travel industry, perceptions of attractiveness, value for money and risk are crucial, and this must be set within the context of competing destinations. This paper surveys the experience of the Republic of Korea in developing international inbound tourism and presents statistics at global, regional and country level, including some countries of particular relevance such as Spain, China, Vietnam and Cuba. It describes current developments in DPRK tourism and attempts to identify the potential for development and the constraints that impede it. In particular, whilst there are formidable infrastructural problems the key constraint is a political one. Pyongyang has not yet moved far enough away from the old, self-defeating approach to tourism which focused on visitors which would eulogize the leadership. It needs to make a firm policy decision that it wants to attract manageable numbers of international tourists, and then analyze rationally how it might achieve that. It is argued that implementation of the June agreement on Kumgangsan - specifically the opening of the land routes and the designation as a special zone - will be an indicator of that decision. The paper was written mid-August 2001 for the conference Korean Studies at the Dawn of the New Millennium held by the Korean Studies Association of Australasia, 24- 25 September at Monash University, Melbourne, Australia. The paper has been revised and amended since then in the light of subsequent events, especially 11 September and the current impasse over Kumgangsan and N-S relations generally. I am grateful to the anonymous reviewers for their comments.

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