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After the democratic opening in 1987, there have been so many political reforms in South Korea, focusing on the electoral, party, and congressional reforms. All of the presidents and national assembly have tried and implemented the reforms in those parts from Roh Tae-Woo to Roh Mu-Hyun administration. But the current situation of South Korean democracy showed us that those reforms are not so effectively successful. Still the power of the president is so imperial and unilateral. However that of the national assembly is relatively weak. The relations of the president and the national assembly are so often under the situation of gridlock and immobilism. The imperial president violated occasionally the principle of separation of power and check and balance.
Why? What are the problems of the refonns? Why didn't the many political reforms result in so effective and successful outcomes? Viewing from the relational dynamics of constitution and politics, the critical limitations of South Korean democracy came from the constitutional system itself, not from the representative politics. Then without the fundamental reform of the constitutional system and presidential power, any kind of political reforms including election, party and national assembly are not meaningful.
First of all, considering the plural party system, it needs to have the final election in the presidential election. The turnout of the voting is really low, bringing about the crisis of representation. But, right after the inauguration, the president change suddenly into imperial.
Secondly the electoral cycle and term of the president and national assembly should be rearranged. The single-term system of the president should be abolished, and allowed the reelection for the second-term.
Thirdly one more crucial reform is the introduction of the midterm or off-year election during the term of president.
FinaJly a serious enlargement and strengthening of the national assembly is really critical and vital, including the enlargement of proportional representation. Without it, no one organization of the government can check the imperial power of the president as a balancer. Comparing with the historical development of the politics of representation in South Korea, and the advanced democratic countries like the members of the OECD as well, based on the proportion of population, the number of the national assembly should be at least from 500 to 818. It is really crucial.
Why? What are the problems of the refonns? Why didn't the many political reforms result in so effective and successful outcomes? Viewing from the relational dynamics of constitution and politics, the critical limitations of South Korean democracy came from the constitutional system itself, not from the representative politics. Then without the fundamental reform of the constitutional system and presidential power, any kind of political reforms including election, party and national assembly are not meaningful.
First of all, considering the plural party system, it needs to have the final election in the presidential election. The turnout of the voting is really low, bringing about the crisis of representation. But, right after the inauguration, the president change suddenly into imperial.
Secondly the electoral cycle and term of the president and national assembly should be rearranged. The single-term system of the president should be abolished, and allowed the reelection for the second-term.
Thirdly one more crucial reform is the introduction of the midterm or off-year election during the term of president.
FinaJly a serious enlargement and strengthening of the national assembly is really critical and vital, including the enlargement of proportional representation. Without it, no one organization of the government can check the imperial power of the president as a balancer. Comparing with the historical development of the politics of representation in South Korea, and the advanced democratic countries like the members of the OECD as well, based on the proportion of population, the number of the national assembly should be at least from 500 to 818. It is really crucial.
목차
1. 문제의 제기
2. 87년 헌정체제의 규칙성과 일관성: 비非정당, 반反정당, 무無정당 통치의 반복
3. 87년 헌정체제의 이중구조: 단임대통령제(헌법체제)와 지역정당체제(정당체제)의 부조응
4. 권력구조와 의회정치: 대통령-의회 갈등의 정치적·제도적 문제군
5. 상층 ‘탁상거래‘로서의 87년 헌법체제: 민주적 재심의의 당위성
6. 결론: 한 잠정 대안의 제안과 검토
주
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UCI(KEPA) : I410-ECN-0101-2010-905-002312266