지원사업
학술연구/단체지원/교육 등 연구자 활동을 지속하도록 DBpia가 지원하고 있어요.
커뮤니티
연구자들이 자신의 연구와 전문성을 널리 알리고, 새로운 협력의 기회를 만들 수 있는 네트워킹 공간이에요.
초록· 키워드
오류제보하기
It is often said that Meiji Revolution was provoked by the political emergence of middle and lower class of samurai. This proposition, however, doesn't give us any explanation about what made their political debut realize. In early and middle age of Tokugawa era, the important political issues(政事) were controlled mostly by Hanshu(藩主) and upper samurai such like Karo(家老) and Roju(老中). For keeping their that like political right from being infringed by other members of Han, they set such rigid regulations as the prohibitions of ottso(越訴) and toto(徒黨).
Then what made middle and lower samurai be able to break this taboos, publicize their political opinions and act politically against upper samurai and sometimes even their boss, Hanshu? This paper tried to give an answer about this question by observing and analyzing the political process of Mito Han from Tenpo(天保) to Ansei(安政) period(1830-1859).
In my paper, I pointed out the crucial role of Fusho(封書) as the political weapon of Fujita faction(藤田派) who were the advocators of Koki-Mitogaku(後期水戶學). The most members of Fujita faction belonged to middle and lower class of samuai. Originally Fusho was expected to be delivered directly to Hanshu who should be the first reader of it. In this case, Fusho would be the efficient mean to reveal the scandal or abuse of power by the upper sarnural, especially Roju who was the top of the Han government. Fusho, however, was actually routined to be checked by Roju before Hanshu's reading it and Roju could delete kinds of Fusho against him beforehand. Accordingly, Fusho had not political meaning until the Tokugawa Nariaki(德川齊昭) and Fujita facion's emergence. Inaugurated as the 9th Mito Hanshu, Nariaki who stood against Monbatsuha(門閥派), upper samurai desired to connect with Fujita faction for coping with Monbatsuha. For it, he initially reformed the Fusho system. The recipient of Fusho was changed from Roju to Edo Tsuji(江戶通事) who was in charge of meditating documents or letters from and to Hanshu. This change meant Fusho was delivered directly to Hanshu and he must be the first reader of it. This also meant Roju and upper samurai were expelled from the route between Fusho writer and Hanshu. Using this reformed Fusho system, Fujita faction could assert their opinions on important political issues directly to Hanshu. Also on the base of it, they could organized their adherents and acted for pursuing their political power. Therefore we can say the emergence of middle and lower class of samurai at the late Tokugawa period was indebted partly to the political emergence of Fusho.
Then what made middle and lower samurai be able to break this taboos, publicize their political opinions and act politically against upper samurai and sometimes even their boss, Hanshu? This paper tried to give an answer about this question by observing and analyzing the political process of Mito Han from Tenpo(天保) to Ansei(安政) period(1830-1859).
In my paper, I pointed out the crucial role of Fusho(封書) as the political weapon of Fujita faction(藤田派) who were the advocators of Koki-Mitogaku(後期水戶學). The most members of Fujita faction belonged to middle and lower class of samuai. Originally Fusho was expected to be delivered directly to Hanshu who should be the first reader of it. In this case, Fusho would be the efficient mean to reveal the scandal or abuse of power by the upper sarnural, especially Roju who was the top of the Han government. Fusho, however, was actually routined to be checked by Roju before Hanshu's reading it and Roju could delete kinds of Fusho against him beforehand. Accordingly, Fusho had not political meaning until the Tokugawa Nariaki(德川齊昭) and Fujita facion's emergence. Inaugurated as the 9th Mito Hanshu, Nariaki who stood against Monbatsuha(門閥派), upper samurai desired to connect with Fujita faction for coping with Monbatsuha. For it, he initially reformed the Fusho system. The recipient of Fusho was changed from Roju to Edo Tsuji(江戶通事) who was in charge of meditating documents or letters from and to Hanshu. This change meant Fusho was delivered directly to Hanshu and he must be the first reader of it. This also meant Roju and upper samurai were expelled from the route between Fusho writer and Hanshu. Using this reformed Fusho system, Fujita faction could assert their opinions on important political issues directly to Hanshu. Also on the base of it, they could organized their adherents and acted for pursuing their political power. Therefore we can say the emergence of middle and lower class of samurai at the late Tokugawa period was indebted partly to the political emergence of Fusho.
목차
머리말
Ⅰ. 水戶藩政의 特徵과 藩政機構
Ⅱ. 德川齊昭이전 水戶藩政의 推移와 上書장려
Ⅲ. 封書의 政治的 등장과 ‘討議政治’의 형성
맺음말
참고문헌 (0)
참고문헌 신청함께 읽어보면 좋을 논문
논문 유사도에 따라 DBpia 가 추천하는 논문입니다. 함께 보면 좋을 연관 논문을 확인해보세요!
-
德川末期 水戶藩의 南上運動과 政治空間
역사학보
2002 .03
-
<<漢書>> ｢五行志｣ 譯註 Ⅲ
중국사연구
2020 .01
-
漢書 貨殖傳 譯註 1 (中華書局 標點本, pp.3679-3686)
중국사연구
2006 .01
-
大日本史 편찬에서 ‘藤田派’의 역할 再考
대구사학
2007 .01
-
《한서⋅이광소건전》의 제국 서사적 면모
중국문학
2019 .01
-
《漢書評林》 眉注 初探 -〈高帝紀〉를 중심으로
중국문학
2018 .01
-
『헤이케 모노가타리(平家物語)』에 그려진 초기 일본 무사의 지역별 차이
일어일문학
2017 .11
-
19세기전반 熊本藩에서의 ‘學的 네트워크’와 ‘學黨’의 형성
동양사학연구
2014 .03
-
《漢書ㆍ五行志》災異思想的文化闡釋
동아인문학
2009 .06
-
19세기 전 · 중반 사무라이의 정치화와 ‘學的 네트워크’ : 미토번과 사쓰마번을 중심으로
동양사학연구
2015 .09
-
政治와 敎育 : 1980년대 일본 교육개혁의 政治過程과 政策的 示唆點
성곡논총
1994 .06
-
Political Thought in Korea
Korea Journal
1978 .10
-
고려시대 정치사의 시각과 방법론 연구
역사와현실
2007 .12
-
≪漢書․本紀≫ 通假字 용례 연구
중국학
2012 .01
-
淸 初期 外藩(tulergi golo) 형성과정과 理藩院
동양사학회 학술대회 발표논문집
2015 .01
-
Political Culture and Political Development in Korea : An Aspect of the Political Behavior of Low-Income Groups in Seoul
Korea Journal
1978 .01
-
？？史記？？ ？樂書？와 ？？漢書？？ ？禮樂志？를 통해 본 漢代 制樂의 실상－司馬遷과 班固의 制樂觀에 대한 분석을 兼하여－
동방학지
2007 .01
-
정치와 비-정치의 경계
철학
2009 .08
-
朝鮮後期의 輿論과 政治 : ‘公論政治’의 持續과 斷絶
동양사학회 학술대회 발표논문집
2001 .02
이 논문의 저자 정보
이 논문과 함께 이용한 논문
최근 본 자료
댓글(0)
0
UCI(KEPA) : I410-ECN-0101-2009-910-016406142