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There have been unusually strong reactions, mostly oppositional, in the Korean public opinion to the recent invasion of Iraq by the allied forces of the United States and Great Britain. Their vehemency stems from many factors; among them, the rising tide of anti-Americanism in Korea and Korean sympathy with a small nation being invaded, for whatever good reasons there might be. The anti-Americanism can be basically attributed to accumulation of the effects of the situation of disparity and hurt pride inevitable in the relations of two inequaJ powers. The identification of Koreans with a weaker nation in international conflict is almost instinctive as their historical experience is so painfully engraved with the injustice of Japanese imperialism. Their historical experience also includes, however, a long struggle for democracy against military dictatorship, which makes identification with a dictatorial regime somewhat improbable. The unilateral action by the Bush Administration in the United States precipitated hurried resolution to the ambiguity of the situation.
Apart from affirmative or negative responses to the war, the 1mprecedented acuteness and intensity of response indicates the increasing sense Koreans have come to have about the state of the world in general as the framing condition of their national life. This is also a sense widely shared in many societies throughout the world, which accounts for the extraordinary coordination of protest in the demonstrations against the Iraqi war on February 15, 2003. The two contradictory senses the Koreans have had about the situation in Iraq represents the contradictions universally developing in the existence of the nation-state in the globalizing world as the sovereignty of the state comes into conflict with its obligation, generally acknowledged in the world community, to uphold basic human rights.
Ideally speaking this universal obligation can be carried out successfully only by a world government with power to enforce it. It would be therefore in the interest of humanity as a whole to promote international developments that may eventually give birth to effective international agencies for enforcement of basic rights and for the maintenance of an overall frame of global peace. If human rights and peace are not to result in what Juergen Habermas calls "a fundamentalism of human rights," which could easily mask imperialist intentions under moral pretexts,. whatever action undertaken for human rights must be of truly international nature, with the legitimacy of the cause and agency reasonably ascertained.
causes .of the misery can be variously explained. In Bernard Lewis's explanation of the unstable conditions in Islamic countries, their failure to catch up with modem developments in the West accounts for much. If achieving modernity means, however, arriving at the level of material affluence enjoyed by advanced countries, it is doubtful that the ecology of the earth would be able to sustain a global affluence at the Western level. Various religious fundamentalisms in the world should not be regarded as mere throwback to the dark night of medieval fanaticism resurging in the ressentiments of those who are left behind in humanity's advancement to modernity. They may represent not merely two different stages in human development but two different ways of life human beings are always faced with. They point, maybe in agonized distortions, to an ascesis of spirit that is indispensable if life is to be conceived as something more than a life of unlimited material pursuit, individually and collectively. The choice facing humanity is not simply modernity or religious fundamentalism.
Apart from affirmative or negative responses to the war, the 1mprecedented acuteness and intensity of response indicates the increasing sense Koreans have come to have about the state of the world in general as the framing condition of their national life. This is also a sense widely shared in many societies throughout the world, which accounts for the extraordinary coordination of protest in the demonstrations against the Iraqi war on February 15, 2003. The two contradictory senses the Koreans have had about the situation in Iraq represents the contradictions universally developing in the existence of the nation-state in the globalizing world as the sovereignty of the state comes into conflict with its obligation, generally acknowledged in the world community, to uphold basic human rights.
Ideally speaking this universal obligation can be carried out successfully only by a world government with power to enforce it. It would be therefore in the interest of humanity as a whole to promote international developments that may eventually give birth to effective international agencies for enforcement of basic rights and for the maintenance of an overall frame of global peace. If human rights and peace are not to result in what Juergen Habermas calls "a fundamentalism of human rights," which could easily mask imperialist intentions under moral pretexts,. whatever action undertaken for human rights must be of truly international nature, with the legitimacy of the cause and agency reasonably ascertained.
causes .of the misery can be variously explained. In Bernard Lewis's explanation of the unstable conditions in Islamic countries, their failure to catch up with modem developments in the West accounts for much. If achieving modernity means, however, arriving at the level of material affluence enjoyed by advanced countries, it is doubtful that the ecology of the earth would be able to sustain a global affluence at the Western level. Various religious fundamentalisms in the world should not be regarded as mere throwback to the dark night of medieval fanaticism resurging in the ressentiments of those who are left behind in humanity's advancement to modernity. They may represent not merely two different stages in human development but two different ways of life human beings are always faced with. They point, maybe in agonized distortions, to an ascesis of spirit that is indispensable if life is to be conceived as something more than a life of unlimited material pursuit, individually and collectively. The choice facing humanity is not simply modernity or religious fundamentalism.
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