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지원사업
학술연구/단체지원/교육 등 연구자 활동을 지속하도록 DBpia가 지원하고 있어요.
커뮤니티
연구자들이 자신의 연구와 전문성을 널리 알리고, 새로운 협력의 기회를 만들 수 있는 네트워킹 공간이에요.
초록· 키워드
오류제보하기
In this paper, we will suggest that the MERGE-based system in Chomsky (2019a,b,c) and Chomsky et al. (2019) can successfully account for Adjunct Condition and Anti-Adjunct Condition, assuming the following conditions. First, adjuncts can enter into Pair-MERGE relation with the matrix clause. Second, while wh-phrase in the adjunct with tense effect can be moved to the edge position of adjunct CP under the Phase Impenetrability Condition, wh-phrase in the adjunct without tense effect remains in situ. In this respect, we will consider that the adjunct with tense effect violates the Determinacy Principle, since its workspace involves two copies and thus causes the ambiguous rule application. However, the adjunct without tense effect does not violate the Determinacy Principle, since its workspace involves just one copy, which does not cause the ambiguous rule application. Therefore, we can argue that our analysis of Adjunct Condition and Anti-Adjunct Condition can give an explanatory power to the Minimalist Theory
목차
등록된 정보가 없습니다.
참고문헌 (27)
참고문헌 신청
Belletti, A / 1981 / The Syntax of ‘ne’: Some Theoretical Implications / The Linguistic Review 1:117~154
Boeckx, C / 2012 / Syntactic Islands / Cambridge University Press
Borgonovo, C / 2000 / Transparent Adjuncts / Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue Cnadienne de Llinguistique 45:199~224
Chomsky, N / 1982 / Some Concepts and Consequences of the Theory of Government and Binding / MIT Press
Chomsky, N / 2004 / Structures and Beyond / Oxford University Press :104~131
Boeckx, C / 2012 / Syntactic Islands / Cambridge University Press
Borgonovo, C / 2000 / Transparent Adjuncts / Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue Cnadienne de Llinguistique 45:199~224
Chomsky, N / 1982 / Some Concepts and Consequences of the Theory of Government and Binding / MIT Press
Chomsky, N / 2004 / Structures and Beyond / Oxford University Press :104~131
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