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논문 기본 정보

자료유형
학술저널
저자정보
저널정보
한국생성문법학회 생성문법연구 생성문법연구 제15권 제2호
발행연도
2005.1
수록면
113 - 144 (32page)

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In this paper, I discuss VP-ellipsis to suggest an operator-movement approach to VP-ellipsis under the bare category hypothesis. The present approach suggests the following: First, the elided VP is a bare category, which is obtained by the optional stripping of the phonological features of lexical items (the bare category hypothesis). Second, the bare category VP and its antecedent VP are associated with a null VP-operator and a null VP-topic operator, respectively; and the “antecedent-anaphor” relation in VP-ellipsis is actually the relation between the two operators involved in VP-ellipsis. Under the above two suggestions, I discuss that the syntax of VP-ellipsis is parallel to the syntax of parasitic gap (and to the syntax of pragmatic coreference), and also that referential/type parallelism should be respected in VP-ellipsis in a certain way. During the discussion, I show that the present approach can explain some major properties of VP-ellipsis, without motivating LF copy or PF deletion, and also some problematic empirical data, without motivating stipulations. In addition, I also show that it sheds some light on the notions of "binding" and null operator. Finally, I suggest, under the present approach, that a VP-ellipsis sentence is not optionally derived from its non-elided counterpart via a syntactic operation that derives "optional VP-ellipsis," but that a VP-ellipsis sentence and its non-elided counterpart are derived via different numeration processes, like the cases of passive-active pairs or the cases of interrogative-declarative pairs.

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