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학술연구/단체지원/교육 등 연구자 활동을 지속하도록 DBpia가 지원하고 있어요.
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In this paper We argue against the repair-by-ellipsis approach to the contrast between non-contrastive fragments and contrastive fragments in terms of syntactic island constraints and rather argue for the non-isomorphic approaches for island evasion strategies. It is presented that non-isomorphic sources for island evasion strategies can be supplied satisfying the felicitous condition for the discourse if the correlates of remnants stays within the scope of [-definite] feature, but cannot if the correlates of fragments are not located within the scope of [-definite] feature. We propose the generalization that island evasion strategies can be available when the correlate of a fragment is [-definite] or within the [-definite] scope. It will be proved that this generalization provides a successful account for some problematic data. Finally, We conclude that the fragments for which island evasion strategies are available can be derived by PF-movement and ellipsis out of appropriate non-isomorphic sources.
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참고문헌 (28)
참고문헌 신청
Barros, Mattew. / 2012 / A Non-repair Approach to Island Sensitivity in Contrastive TP Ellipsis / Proceedings of CLS48
Barros, Mattew / 2013 / More Variation in Island Repair : Clausal vs. Non-Clausal Islands / Proceedings of CLS49
Barros, Mattew / 2014 / There is no island repair
Boškovic, Želico / 2011 / Rescue by PF deletion, traces as(non)interveners and the that-trace effect / Linguistic Inquiry 42:1~44
É. Kiss, Katalin / 2009 / Deriving the Properties of Structural Focus
Barros, Mattew / 2013 / More Variation in Island Repair : Clausal vs. Non-Clausal Islands / Proceedings of CLS49
Barros, Mattew / 2014 / There is no island repair
Boškovic, Želico / 2011 / Rescue by PF deletion, traces as(non)interveners and the that-trace effect / Linguistic Inquiry 42:1~44
É. Kiss, Katalin / 2009 / Deriving the Properties of Structural Focus
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