지원사업
학술연구/단체지원/교육 등 연구자 활동을 지속하도록 DBpia가 지원하고 있어요.
커뮤니티
연구자들이 자신의 연구와 전문성을 널리 알리고, 새로운 협력의 기회를 만들 수 있는 네트워킹 공간이에요.
초록· 키워드
오류제보하기
Merchant (2001, 2004), Fox & Lasnik (2003), Bošković (2011) among many others proposed the so-called repair-by-ellipsis approach in that there is a syntactic structure in the elided site and then TP ellipsis repairs an island after the fragment is extracted out of the island domain. On the other hand, it has been examined in literature (Griffiths & Lipták, 2014; Weir, 2014; Moon et al., 2016, among others) that there are contrastive fragments that cannot be repaired by TP ellipsis. Contrastive fragments remain ungrammatical even if the clauses violating an island constraint are elided after their movement. When the contrastive constituent undergoes focus movement via a phasal edge, its trace must obey the clause-mate condition, only when it is not elided at PF. It is pointed out that when the contrastive idiomatic fragment or NPI fragment in Korean moves to [Spec, CP] in the matrix clause at PF, it violates an island constraint at PF, regardless of whether the offending islands are elided or not.
목차
1. Introduction
2. No Repair-By-Ellipsis in Contrastive Fragments
3. Contrastive Idiomatic Constituents
4. Idiomatic Fragments
5. NPI Fragments
6. Conclusion
References
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UCI(KEPA) : I410-ECN-0101-2017-705-002170548