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자료유형
학술저널
저자정보
저널정보
한국외국어대학교 동유럽발칸연구소 동유럽발칸연구 동유럽발칸연구 제23권
발행연도
2009.1
수록면
81 - 115 (35page)

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This paper provides an account of case assignment by adjectives within an integrated description of Russian case as a morphosyntactic phenomenon. It starts from the observation that although short-form predicate adjectives can often assign case to an NP complement within the predicate (for example, Naš prepodavatel’ dostoin uvaženija ‘Our teacher is worthy of respect (gen)’), the equivalent long-form adjectives used in the predicate do not assign case (*Naš prepodavatel’ dostojnyj uvaženija, which, if grammatical, would mean *‘Our teacher is one which is worthy of respect’). This distinction in case-assigning properties can be traced to the general concept of a semantic predicate. The short-form dostoin ‘worthy’ is the main predicate of the sentence, and it has the semantic content required for case assignment. The long-form dostojnyj is not the head of the major predicate constituent, which is an NP with an empty N head and this adjective in attributive position. Moreover, it is argued that long-form attributive adjectives fail to assign case to their complement within AP whenever they themselves receive case through agreement. This hypothesis is confirmed by the case-assigning behavior of adjectives in the comparative form. When they are in predicate position, they can assign Genitive case to the object of comparison (Naš prepodavatel’ umnee vašego ‘Our teacher is smarter (comp) than yours (gen)’. No comparatives can assign this Genitive case when they are in attributive position (there are two types: an analytical comparative, e.g., Naš prepodavatel’ bolee umnyj *vašego / √čem vaš ‘Our teacher is smarter than yours’; and an occasional synthetic comparative, e.g., Naša auditorija ból’šaja *vašej / čem vaša ‘Our classroom is bigger than yours’) However, some adjectives can assign the Dative case even in attributive position (e.g., interesnaja mne kniga ‘an interesting-to-me book’, milaja tebe devuška ‘a dear-to-you girl’, etc.). .). It is argued that these reflect a type of configurational (syntactic, non-semantic) case associated with a unique configurational position of the pronoun within NP, and not semantic case assignment in the strict sense of Choo 2007.

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