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The purpose of this article is to examine ethnic federalism in Ethiopia and ethnic conflicts. More concretely, the present paper explores the historical development of ethnic federalism and the ethnic conflicts under it, after reviewing its bases such as ethnic and religious diversity, linguistic pluralism and administrative autonomy.
Modernization of Ethiopia was begun by Emperor Menelik Ⅱ who expanded its territory to the south in the late 19th century. Both Menelik Ⅱ and Haile Selassie Ⅰ forced other ethnic groups to adopt the dominant culture of the Amhara. The military government, came to power in 1991, did not properly deal with the ethnic right to self-determination and rather made worse the issue by depending on extreme violence. It was in 1991 when the Tigray People’s Liberation Front-led Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front came to power. The new government adopted ethnic federalism to manage linguistic and cultural diversity and to resolve ethnic conflicts. Ethnic federalism in Ethiopia is based on ethnic and religious diversity, linguistic pluralism and administrative autonomy.
Concerned with ethnic federalism under the democratic government, there have been two contrary views. Some scholars argue that ethnic federalism has been comparatively successful because unlike the past days, large scale civil wars or ethnic movements are little found nowadays. However, others contend that ethnic federalism has not been worked because ethnic conflicts or struggles are still happening frequently.
The reasons why ethnic conflicts have continuously occurred under ethnic federalism can be explained by the following five factors. First, ethnic-based federalism instigates competition among ethnic groups over land (territory), ethnic identity, political power and administrative dominance. Second, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front-led Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front government has an inherent limitation which can bring out inequalities in carrying out diverse state policies related to ethnic groups. Third, even though ethnic federalism recognizes cultural and linguistic rights, the federal government does not take responsibility for the ethnic conflicts at the local level. Fourth, there are the imbalances of power and sources between the federal and regional governments. Finally, there are the diverse imbalances among different regional states as well.
Modernization of Ethiopia was begun by Emperor Menelik Ⅱ who expanded its territory to the south in the late 19th century. Both Menelik Ⅱ and Haile Selassie Ⅰ forced other ethnic groups to adopt the dominant culture of the Amhara. The military government, came to power in 1991, did not properly deal with the ethnic right to self-determination and rather made worse the issue by depending on extreme violence. It was in 1991 when the Tigray People’s Liberation Front-led Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front came to power. The new government adopted ethnic federalism to manage linguistic and cultural diversity and to resolve ethnic conflicts. Ethnic federalism in Ethiopia is based on ethnic and religious diversity, linguistic pluralism and administrative autonomy.
Concerned with ethnic federalism under the democratic government, there have been two contrary views. Some scholars argue that ethnic federalism has been comparatively successful because unlike the past days, large scale civil wars or ethnic movements are little found nowadays. However, others contend that ethnic federalism has not been worked because ethnic conflicts or struggles are still happening frequently.
The reasons why ethnic conflicts have continuously occurred under ethnic federalism can be explained by the following five factors. First, ethnic-based federalism instigates competition among ethnic groups over land (territory), ethnic identity, political power and administrative dominance. Second, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front-led Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front government has an inherent limitation which can bring out inequalities in carrying out diverse state policies related to ethnic groups. Third, even though ethnic federalism recognizes cultural and linguistic rights, the federal government does not take responsibility for the ethnic conflicts at the local level. Fourth, there are the imbalances of power and sources between the federal and regional governments. Finally, there are the diverse imbalances among different regional states as well.
목차
1. 글을 시작하며
2. 에티오피아 종족 연방주의의 토대
3. 에티오피아 종족 연방주의의 전개 양상
4. 에티오피아 종족 연방주의 하의 종족 갈등
5. 글을 마치며
참고문헌
Abstract
참고문헌 (57)
참고문헌 신청
1. [보고서] - Aalen, Lovise / 2002 / Ethnic Federalism in a Dominant Party State: The Ethiopian Experience 1991-2000
2. [학술지(정기간행물)] - Abbink, Jon / 1997 / Ethnicity and Constitutionalism in Contemporary Ethiopia / Journal of African Law 41 : 159 ~ 174
3. [학술지(정기간행물)] - Abbink, Jon / 2006 / Ethnicity and Conflict Generation in Ethiopia: Some Problems and Prospects of Ethno-Regional Federalism / Journal of Contemporary African Studies 24 (3) : 389 ~ 413
4. [학술지(정기간행물)] - Abbink, Jon / 2009 / The Ethiopian Second Republic and the Fragile ‘Social Contract’ / Africa Spectrum 44 (2) : 3 ~ 28
5. [학술지(정기간행물)] - Abebe, Adem Kassie / 2013 / Umpiring Federalism in Africa : Institutional Mosaic and Innovations / African Studies Quarterly 13 (4) : 53 ~ 79
2. [학술지(정기간행물)] - Abbink, Jon / 1997 / Ethnicity and Constitutionalism in Contemporary Ethiopia / Journal of African Law 41 : 159 ~ 174
3. [학술지(정기간행물)] - Abbink, Jon / 2006 / Ethnicity and Conflict Generation in Ethiopia: Some Problems and Prospects of Ethno-Regional Federalism / Journal of Contemporary African Studies 24 (3) : 389 ~ 413
4. [학술지(정기간행물)] - Abbink, Jon / 2009 / The Ethiopian Second Republic and the Fragile ‘Social Contract’ / Africa Spectrum 44 (2) : 3 ~ 28
5. [학술지(정기간행물)] - Abebe, Adem Kassie / 2013 / Umpiring Federalism in Africa : Institutional Mosaic and Innovations / African Studies Quarterly 13 (4) : 53 ~ 79
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