지원사업
학술연구/단체지원/교육 등 연구자 활동을 지속하도록 DBpia가 지원하고 있어요.
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연구자들이 자신의 연구와 전문성을 널리 알리고, 새로운 협력의 기회를 만들 수 있는 네트워킹 공간이에요.
초록· 키워드
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This study investigates how Korean speakers produce German final devoicing and whether they have acquired voicing contrast in German obstruents. Korean learners of German
produced real German words with the underlying voicing distinction in the five phonological contexts. One is the non-neutralization environment and the others are potential neutralization contexts (syllable-final, word-final, and utterance-final positions). In order to see whether the underlying voicing contrast is retained on the surface, five acoustic correlates of voicing were measured (duration of the preceding consonant, duration of the preceding vowel, duration of stop closure or frication, duration of release portion, and F0 of the preceding vowel). First, the results showed that in syllable initial or intervocalic position, the underlying voiceless obstruents were produced with longer duration of the preceding consonant, shorter duration of the preceding vowel, longer closure or frication duration, and longer release duration than their counterpart voiceless obstruents. Next, in syllable final, voiceless condition, the underlying voicing contrast was retained with respect to closure duration of the preceding consonant, and duration of the preceding vowel. Third, in a word-final position as well, the underlying voiceless obstruents were produced with longer duration of the preceding consonant, shorter duration of the preceding vowel, and longer closure
or frication duration than their voiced counterparts. Finally, in utterance-final position, the underlying voiceless obstruents were produced with longer duration of the preceding consonant, shorter duration of the preceding vowel, and longer closure or frication duration than their voiced counterparts. These findings suggest that even Korean L2 speakers show incomplete neutralization in German final devoicing like some of the native speakers of German and can acquire phonemic voicing contrast, which does not exist in their L1.
produced real German words with the underlying voicing distinction in the five phonological contexts. One is the non-neutralization environment and the others are potential neutralization contexts (syllable-final, word-final, and utterance-final positions). In order to see whether the underlying voicing contrast is retained on the surface, five acoustic correlates of voicing were measured (duration of the preceding consonant, duration of the preceding vowel, duration of stop closure or frication, duration of release portion, and F0 of the preceding vowel). First, the results showed that in syllable initial or intervocalic position, the underlying voiceless obstruents were produced with longer duration of the preceding consonant, shorter duration of the preceding vowel, longer closure or frication duration, and longer release duration than their counterpart voiceless obstruents. Next, in syllable final, voiceless condition, the underlying voicing contrast was retained with respect to closure duration of the preceding consonant, and duration of the preceding vowel. Third, in a word-final position as well, the underlying voiceless obstruents were produced with longer duration of the preceding consonant, shorter duration of the preceding vowel, and longer closure
or frication duration than their voiced counterparts. Finally, in utterance-final position, the underlying voiceless obstruents were produced with longer duration of the preceding consonant, shorter duration of the preceding vowel, and longer closure or frication duration than their voiced counterparts. These findings suggest that even Korean L2 speakers show incomplete neutralization in German final devoicing like some of the native speakers of German and can acquire phonemic voicing contrast, which does not exist in their L1.
목차
1. Introduction
2. Experiment 1: Production Study
3. Experiment 2: Perception of German Final Voicing
4. General Discussion
5. Conclusion
References
참고문헌 (32)
참고문헌 신청
1. [학술지(정기간행물)] - Beckman, Jill / 2009 / German Fricatives: Coda Devoicing or Positional Faithfulness / Phonology 26 : 231 ~ 268
2. [학술대회논문] - Beckman, Jill / 2010 / German Intervocalic Stops are Different from Stops in True Voicing Languages: Empirical Evidence / Paper presented at Berkeley Germanic Linguistics Roundtable
3. [학술지(정기간행물)] - Benson, Bronwen / 1988 / Universal Preference for the Open Syllable as an Independent Process in Interlanguage Phonology / Language Learning 38 : 221 ~ 242
4. [인터넷자원] - Boersma, Paul / / Praat: Doing Phonetics by Computer
5. [단행본] - Bohn, Ocke-Schwen / 1995 / Cross Language Speech Production in Adults: First Language Transfer doesn't Tell it All, in Speech Perception and Linguistic Experience: Issues in Cross-Language Research / York Press : 279 ~ 304
2. [학술대회논문] - Beckman, Jill / 2010 / German Intervocalic Stops are Different from Stops in True Voicing Languages: Empirical Evidence / Paper presented at Berkeley Germanic Linguistics Roundtable
3. [학술지(정기간행물)] - Benson, Bronwen / 1988 / Universal Preference for the Open Syllable as an Independent Process in Interlanguage Phonology / Language Learning 38 : 221 ~ 242
4. [인터넷자원] - Boersma, Paul / / Praat: Doing Phonetics by Computer
5. [단행본] - Bohn, Ocke-Schwen / 1995 / Cross Language Speech Production in Adults: First Language Transfer doesn't Tell it All, in Speech Perception and Linguistic Experience: Issues in Cross-Language Research / York Press : 279 ~ 304
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UCI(KEPA) : I410-ECN-0101-2014-700-003144074