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연구자들이 자신의 연구와 전문성을 널리 알리고, 새로운 협력의 기회를 만들 수 있는 네트워킹 공간이에요.
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초록· 키워드
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Quantifier Raising(QR) changes the hierarchical order of quantifiers and generates different readings for the sentences by changing the quantifier scope. In this paper, I propose that QR is an operation driven by [Quant] feature and obeys the syntactic constraint 'Shortest Condition'. It means that QR is syntactic in mechanism and operates in the same fashion as other types of movement.
Double object construction doesn't permit the second object to take scope over the first. Both quantifiers necessarily move, but are unable to reverse their hierarchical order. I argue that quantifiers whose scope is frozen must still move. Scope freezing is relative, holding only between two object quantifiers, but not between the subject and either of the two objects.
I assume that when νP includes the quantifier, ν is a probe looking for a quantificational goal and then ν will attract quantifiers. A quantifier will be able to cross over another NP that is not a quantifier, since nonquantifiers will not be attracted to v. If both objects in the double object construction are quntifiers, both will be attracted to ν. And this movement will obey the shortest condition.
This article shows that QR is an operation that makes use of syntactic feature driven movement and obeys the Shorstest Condition when it moves the quantifiers.
Double object construction doesn't permit the second object to take scope over the first. Both quantifiers necessarily move, but are unable to reverse their hierarchical order. I argue that quantifiers whose scope is frozen must still move. Scope freezing is relative, holding only between two object quantifiers, but not between the subject and either of the two objects.
I assume that when νP includes the quantifier, ν is a probe looking for a quantificational goal and then ν will attract quantifiers. A quantifier will be able to cross over another NP that is not a quantifier, since nonquantifiers will not be attracted to v. If both objects in the double object construction are quntifiers, both will be attracted to ν. And this movement will obey the shortest condition.
This article shows that QR is an operation that makes use of syntactic feature driven movement and obeys the Shorstest Condition when it moves the quantifiers.
목차
Ⅰ. 서론
Ⅱ. 이중 목적어 구문에서의 양화사 작용역
Ⅲ. 선행사 포함 삭제 구문(Antecedent-contained deletion:ACD)
Ⅳ. 이동에 관한 제약
Ⅴ. 주어와 목적어간의 작용역
Ⅵ. 결론
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Abstract
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