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초록· 키워드
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Assuming free word order in Russian to be the result of applying the rule of scrambling (the adjunction option of Move-α, i. e., "adjoin any maximal projection to any maximal projection"), I intend to show that universal conditions properly restrict the output of this rule and make it possible to explain some mysterious facts of free-word-order phenomena in colloquial Russian. I consider: a) the agreement status of scrambled NPs; b) the role of referentiality in the movement properties of NP; c) weak crossover with scrambled NPs. On a more theory-internal plane, I also provide arguments in favor of the homogeneity of chains.
One of the purposes of this paper is to offer empirical support for the claim that A'-chains cannot contain adjunction links. This leads to the natural concept of chain homogeneity: all the processes in a grammar create homogeneous chains, i.e., all the positions occupied by members of a chain are uniform with respect to some properties. Discussing the difference in movement properties between arguments and adjunct, Rizzi (1990) accounts for that difference as related to the property "referential/nonreferential", and proposes to restrict the use of referential indices to arguments (referential expressions). It is currently a widespread practice to use indices as a device to represent the relationship between elements that have undergone operations of some kind such as, movement and matching. That is to say, a referential index is licit on a given linguistic representation only if it is associated to a referential θ-role. It follows that no movement as such is linked to coindexation. But without coindexation, we need a definition of antecedent-government that does not make reference to coindexation, so that it could apply to indexed and nonindexed material alike. We can replace the coindexation requirement of the usual definition with a nondistinctness requirement. However, Russian data force me to the conclusion that the nondictinctness requirement holds of referentiality per se. but not of indices.
Finally, I have shown that there are no inherent A/A' properties in X<SUP>max</SUP>-adjunction-chains. Everything depends on the moved XP. If the foot of an adjunction chain is in A-position, the head may be interpreted as an argument. If the foot is in A'-position, the head may not be interpreted as an argument. However, since any kind of XP may move via scrambling in Russian, it is best to state that a position created by adjunction is formally irrelevant to A/A' status-everything depends on what occupies the position, the lexical properties of governors, and specific conditions of an expression.
One of the purposes of this paper is to offer empirical support for the claim that A'-chains cannot contain adjunction links. This leads to the natural concept of chain homogeneity: all the processes in a grammar create homogeneous chains, i.e., all the positions occupied by members of a chain are uniform with respect to some properties. Discussing the difference in movement properties between arguments and adjunct, Rizzi (1990) accounts for that difference as related to the property "referential/nonreferential", and proposes to restrict the use of referential indices to arguments (referential expressions). It is currently a widespread practice to use indices as a device to represent the relationship between elements that have undergone operations of some kind such as, movement and matching. That is to say, a referential index is licit on a given linguistic representation only if it is associated to a referential θ-role. It follows that no movement as such is linked to coindexation. But without coindexation, we need a definition of antecedent-government that does not make reference to coindexation, so that it could apply to indexed and nonindexed material alike. We can replace the coindexation requirement of the usual definition with a nondistinctness requirement. However, Russian data force me to the conclusion that the nondictinctness requirement holds of referentiality per se. but not of indices.
Finally, I have shown that there are no inherent A/A' properties in X<SUP>max</SUP>-adjunction-chains. Everything depends on the moved XP. If the foot of an adjunction chain is in A-position, the head may be interpreted as an argument. If the foot is in A'-position, the head may not be interpreted as an argument. However, since any kind of XP may move via scrambling in Russian, it is best to state that a position created by adjunction is formally irrelevant to A/A' status-everything depends on what occupies the position, the lexical properties of governors, and specific conditions of an expression.
목차
Ⅰ. 들어가는 말
Ⅱ. 이론적 배경
Ⅲ. 러시아어의 뒤섞기
Ⅳ. 상대적 최소성(Relativized Minimality)
Ⅴ. 뒤섞기에서 지시(referentiality)의 역할
Ⅵ. 공목적어(null object)
Ⅶ. 뒤섞기와 약 건너뛰기(weak crossover)
Ⅷ. 맺음말
참고문헌
Abstract
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UCI(KEPA) : I410-ECN-0101-2009-892-014881473