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In modern China, as is well-known, opium caused serious social and economic problems. Its illegal imports from India brought about continued drain of silver beginning in the late 18th century, which aroused Chinese people for anti-opium campaigns. As a result, the first Anglo-Chinese War broke out in 1840. However, with the Chinese defeat in the war, the opium trade was legalized de facto, and again de jure in 1860, which in turn made both its import and domestic production sharply expanded. Since then opium addiction in China has shown a steady and continued increase, worsening social and economic conditions more and more. Despite the fact, Chinese could not take proper steps to suppress opium trade and consumption for a long time, because, among others, opium import had been legalized by the treaties with foreign countries. As late as the early 20th century, vigorous anti-opium campaigns renewed on the nation-wide scale, in relation to the comprehensive reforms called New Politics during the late Guangxu period. Since that campaigns also failed in the ensuing revolutionary political turmoils, opium continued to remain as a serious threat to Chinese society until the mid-20th century only when the newly-inaugurated People's Republic of China succeeded in eradicating opium addictions after years of concentrated campaigns.
In sum, the desired settlement of opium problem was being protracted for a long time in modern China. Consequently, now and then there arose anti-opium campaigns, though in vain, and the significance of some of those campaigns have already been noted by scholars, such as those in the Anglo-Chinese War period and during the early 20th century. But there also developed noteworthy anti-opium campaigns during the early Guangxu period, the significance of which has not yet been given due scholarly attention. In this study, therefore, the author tried to look into the historical background and actual aspects of those anti-opium campaigns during the period from the mid-1870's through the mid-1880's.
As their background, such aspects can be pointed out as the drastic increase of domestic opium production and the consequent rise of fear for possible grain shortages. Such factors also contributed to the development of those campaigns as the budding of new discussions on the drug problems in relation to those days' rather comprehensive measures to adjust state systems seriously threatened during the 1840-1860's, and the resurgence of anti-opium movement in England during the mid-1870's, together with the strengthening of missionaries' anti-drug campaigns.
Guo Song -dao, the first Chinese minister to England, provided a momentum for the resurgence of anti-opium campaigns in China. Guo, being a person having a special interest in opium problems, arrived in London in early 1877, and soon happened to have rounds of meetings with the leaders of the just renewed anti-opium campaigns there. Having been pressed for his active role in the efforts to eradicate the drug addictions by those foreigners as well as by some Chinese proponents of anti-opium campaigns, Guo presented twice with memorials calling for strengthened efforts for opium eradication. The central government responded with rather a bit of reservation, urging major provincial officials to opine on that matter.
Leading officials in general tended to oppose Guo's proposals, arguing that they are impractical and would only cause serious blows on both national and provincial finances. On the other side, however, not a few officials and gentry members expressed their agreement on the need for the more strengthened anti-opium' campaigns.
Some leading provincial officials began to reinforce or newly initiate vigorous campaigns to that effect, focusing on strict prohibition of domestic poppy planting and control of opium-smoking dens as well as on the more thorough execution of the ban on smoking of government officials, soldiers and gentry members. In such northern and north-western Provinces as Shanxi 山西, Shanxi 陜西 and Gansu devastated by the severe drought from 1876 through 1878, campaigns especially against poppy planting were being undertaken vigorously as part of the concerted famine-relief efforts. Such top officials as Governor-General Zuo Zong-tang and Governor Zeng Kuo-quan were leading the campaigns, considering that the famine was worsened since drastic increase of poppy growing brought about the decline of grain production.
In such Provinces around the mid- and lower-Yangzi river valley as jiangsu, Zhejiang, Hunan and jiangxi, anti-opium campaigns tended to be targeted on controlling opium dens, since compared with the northern and north-western Provinces they in general were consuming rather than producing areas. Governor-General Shen Bao-zheng, Provincial Administration Commissioner Tan Jun-pai, Governor Li Wen-min and Governor Li Ming-chi were the prominent leaders of or active participants in those campaigns. In some parts of these Jiang-nan Provinces, of course, campaigns against poppy planting were also being under way.
Such anti-opium movements during the early Guangxu period were thus noteworthy, with some of them resulting in rather a success in short terms, as was frequently cited in those-days' journalism. However, it also could not be contradicted that the campaigns could not endure until later times, consequently resulting in a failure on the long-term basis. Then to what reasons was the failure attributable?
First, despite the resurgent concern for the opium problems, the central government remained rather inactive, without following up with more active legislations, and those movement could not be expanded to the nation-wide scale, remaining as one at the provincial level at best. Even the anti-opium campaigns in some Provinces now and then came to nought with the change in the Provincial leadership.
Together with this, the continuation of the chronic problems in the officialdom such as glossing-over and bribery was making the resurgent anti-opium campaigns much vulnerable on the long-term basis. On the more fundamental level, even those provincial anti-opium campaigns could aim not at total eradication but only at gradual and partial one, since the opium trade had already been legalized.
Because of such problems, as those campaigns came to be intensified in some areas, opposition against them rose high on the other hand. Those opponents tended to argue that such efforts were not only fruitless but also detrimental to the national and provincial finances, insisting that the ban on domestic opium production would consequently make the addicted use imported opium. Amid the rise of such criticisms, some former leaders of active anti-opium campaigns such as Zuo Zong-tang now came up with more practical and gradual measures beginning in the early 1880's, calling for control through taxation 寓禁於徵 in the first stage.
The central government, which had shown rather ambivalent attitude towards the campaigns by then, now came to argue without reservation for more 'practical' approaches. Especially from around the beginning of the Sino-French War in 1884, which brought into relief the seriousness of national financial problems, the Finance Ministry came out for the measures of legalizing and openly taxing on domestic opium production, abandoning de facto the principle of baning it. Although the Imperial Edict to that effect came to be issued as late in 1890, already by 1885 the Qing government had decided on that policy as a matter of fact, and the anti-opiurn campaigns of the preceding decade came to face a fatal blow.
In sum, the desired settlement of opium problem was being protracted for a long time in modern China. Consequently, now and then there arose anti-opium campaigns, though in vain, and the significance of some of those campaigns have already been noted by scholars, such as those in the Anglo-Chinese War period and during the early 20th century. But there also developed noteworthy anti-opium campaigns during the early Guangxu period, the significance of which has not yet been given due scholarly attention. In this study, therefore, the author tried to look into the historical background and actual aspects of those anti-opium campaigns during the period from the mid-1870's through the mid-1880's.
As their background, such aspects can be pointed out as the drastic increase of domestic opium production and the consequent rise of fear for possible grain shortages. Such factors also contributed to the development of those campaigns as the budding of new discussions on the drug problems in relation to those days' rather comprehensive measures to adjust state systems seriously threatened during the 1840-1860's, and the resurgence of anti-opium movement in England during the mid-1870's, together with the strengthening of missionaries' anti-drug campaigns.
Guo Song -dao, the first Chinese minister to England, provided a momentum for the resurgence of anti-opium campaigns in China. Guo, being a person having a special interest in opium problems, arrived in London in early 1877, and soon happened to have rounds of meetings with the leaders of the just renewed anti-opium campaigns there. Having been pressed for his active role in the efforts to eradicate the drug addictions by those foreigners as well as by some Chinese proponents of anti-opium campaigns, Guo presented twice with memorials calling for strengthened efforts for opium eradication. The central government responded with rather a bit of reservation, urging major provincial officials to opine on that matter.
Leading officials in general tended to oppose Guo's proposals, arguing that they are impractical and would only cause serious blows on both national and provincial finances. On the other side, however, not a few officials and gentry members expressed their agreement on the need for the more strengthened anti-opium' campaigns.
Some leading provincial officials began to reinforce or newly initiate vigorous campaigns to that effect, focusing on strict prohibition of domestic poppy planting and control of opium-smoking dens as well as on the more thorough execution of the ban on smoking of government officials, soldiers and gentry members. In such northern and north-western Provinces as Shanxi 山西, Shanxi 陜西 and Gansu devastated by the severe drought from 1876 through 1878, campaigns especially against poppy planting were being undertaken vigorously as part of the concerted famine-relief efforts. Such top officials as Governor-General Zuo Zong-tang and Governor Zeng Kuo-quan were leading the campaigns, considering that the famine was worsened since drastic increase of poppy growing brought about the decline of grain production.
In such Provinces around the mid- and lower-Yangzi river valley as jiangsu, Zhejiang, Hunan and jiangxi, anti-opium campaigns tended to be targeted on controlling opium dens, since compared with the northern and north-western Provinces they in general were consuming rather than producing areas. Governor-General Shen Bao-zheng, Provincial Administration Commissioner Tan Jun-pai, Governor Li Wen-min and Governor Li Ming-chi were the prominent leaders of or active participants in those campaigns. In some parts of these Jiang-nan Provinces, of course, campaigns against poppy planting were also being under way.
Such anti-opium movements during the early Guangxu period were thus noteworthy, with some of them resulting in rather a success in short terms, as was frequently cited in those-days' journalism. However, it also could not be contradicted that the campaigns could not endure until later times, consequently resulting in a failure on the long-term basis. Then to what reasons was the failure attributable?
First, despite the resurgent concern for the opium problems, the central government remained rather inactive, without following up with more active legislations, and those movement could not be expanded to the nation-wide scale, remaining as one at the provincial level at best. Even the anti-opium campaigns in some Provinces now and then came to nought with the change in the Provincial leadership.
Together with this, the continuation of the chronic problems in the officialdom such as glossing-over and bribery was making the resurgent anti-opium campaigns much vulnerable on the long-term basis. On the more fundamental level, even those provincial anti-opium campaigns could aim not at total eradication but only at gradual and partial one, since the opium trade had already been legalized.
Because of such problems, as those campaigns came to be intensified in some areas, opposition against them rose high on the other hand. Those opponents tended to argue that such efforts were not only fruitless but also detrimental to the national and provincial finances, insisting that the ban on domestic opium production would consequently make the addicted use imported opium. Amid the rise of such criticisms, some former leaders of active anti-opium campaigns such as Zuo Zong-tang now came up with more practical and gradual measures beginning in the early 1880's, calling for control through taxation 寓禁於徵 in the first stage.
The central government, which had shown rather ambivalent attitude towards the campaigns by then, now came to argue without reservation for more 'practical' approaches. Especially from around the beginning of the Sino-French War in 1884, which brought into relief the seriousness of national financial problems, the Finance Ministry came out for the measures of legalizing and openly taxing on domestic opium production, abandoning de facto the principle of baning it. Although the Imperial Edict to that effect came to be issued as late in 1890, already by 1885 the Qing government had decided on that policy as a matter of fact, and the anti-opiurn campaigns of the preceding decade came to face a fatal blow.
목차
Ⅰ. 머리말
Ⅱ. 光?初 禁烟運動의 배경
Ⅲ. 郭嵩燾의 禁烟上奏와 鴉片問題論議의 확산
Ⅳ. 光?初 禁烟運動의 實狀
Ⅴ. 禁烟運動에 대한 비판과 그 귀결
Ⅵ. 맺음말
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