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Despite the vagueness and generality of Labour's foreign policy during the election campaign, there was a widely felt expectation of a big change in the field of foreign policy. The rank and file (and later even back bench MPs) believed that the Labour victory would ensure cooperation with the Soviet Union, as the spokesmen for the Party had argued during the election campaign, together with implementation of the principles of traditional socialist foreign policy, working class solidarity, anti-capitalism, anti-militarism and internationalism. However, the actual outcome was contrary to their expectations. Taking account of the various ideas and expectations, mostly based on ideological belief among the Party members before the new socialist government took office, subsequent intransigence within the Party regarding the leaderships' foreign policy was by no means surprising. This paper illuminates British foreign policy and policy making process during the period concerned. Firstly, socialist ideology among the left-wingers as well as the leadership was throughly examined. Secondly, this paper reviews the attitude of the leadership towards the Soviet Union, France and the USA, because if socialist ideology was not the determining influence on British foreign policy, then it remains to be seen what was. Therefore, a research was undertaken on other influential factors such as British relations with the Powers. The findings of this paper suggest that to Clement Attlee, the Prime Minister, the primary object of British foreign policy was the United Nations Organization (UNO). He wanted the UNO to be a powerful and effective international instrument in the age of the atomic bomb, which would be in the end the best instrument to which the responsibilities of Britain could be transferred. He thought that this transfer would unify rather than divide the world, avoiding concentration of power in any specific part of the world. Above all this was the organization through which he could hope to achieve his belief on internationalism. In the case of Ernest Bevin, his first three years as the Foreign Secretary were the most difficult time for him. On the one hand, there were not enough resources, and on the other there was fierce opposition both from Cabinet colleagues and from the left-wingers in the Party. The weakening economy also underlay many aspects of foreign policy. He believed that even though there might not be an immediate danger of war, Britain nevertheless needed a strong armed force to strengthen her position in negotiations with the Soviet Union and the USA. In sum, this paper clearly shows that the lack of material
resources available to the government to support any British policy overseas and the world wide responsibilities and interests inherited by Labour limited their actions with some the major world powers. However, the aspirations that Attlee and Bevin had as socialists never gave a way to a practicalism without examining all possibilities to achieve or reflect some values of the traditional socialist foreign policy on their policy making process, at least till mid-1947.
resources available to the government to support any British policy overseas and the world wide responsibilities and interests inherited by Labour limited their actions with some the major world powers. However, the aspirations that Attlee and Bevin had as socialists never gave a way to a practicalism without examining all possibilities to achieve or reflect some values of the traditional socialist foreign policy on their policy making process, at least till mid-1947.
목차
Ⅰ. 머리말
Ⅱ. 전시내각기의 노동당 지도부
Ⅲ. 戰後 아틀리 정부의 대외정책: 대소정책
Ⅳ. 戰後 아틀리 정부의 대외정책: 대미국.유럽정책 및 국제주의
Ⅴ. 맺음말
【Abstract】
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UCI(KEPA) : I410-ECN-0101-2009-911-014462878