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In the late period of the Yi Dynasty and the ensuing period of the Japanese colonial rule of Korea, the question of the Korean settlers in Russia, together with that of Chien-tao 間島, presented a variety of grave problems in terms of social economy and international politics.
The political and ideological movements of the Korean settlers in Russia, which took place over long periods of time from the collective Korean emigration in the early 1860's to the Korean liberation in 1945, have not a little historical and political bearing on the territorial division of Korea today. Therefore, the study of the Korean settlers in Russia is of importance. To our regret, however, no systematic study has yet been attempted in this field in Korea.
This paper constitues the concluding part of the writers' article on "The Korean Settlers in Russia and Their Characteristics." Since that article is primarily an attempt to study the movements of the Korean settlers in Russia up until the March Russian Revolution, the present paper consider it to be too tedious. However, to grasp in a proper perspective the political and ideological movements of the Koreans in Siberia around the time of and after the October Bolshevik Revolution requires a full knowledge of the conditions in Siberia prior to the Revolution, Kalandaraswilin, a hero of the red partisans in Siberia of the turbulent days, Boris Shumiatsky, an outstanding Bolshevist, and Krasno Shchekov, Premier of the Republic of Far East, *all had close connections with the political organizations of the Korean settlers in Siberia.
Following the Bolshevik Revolution, there appeared various socialist, communist and nationalist organizations by Koreans across the country from Vladivostok in the east to Moscow in the west, and even pro-Japanese organizations after the Siberial expedition of Japanese troops. Though those organizations were professedly formed for the cause of the independence of Korea, they were bent on factional strife. It is interesting to note that with the victory of the Bolsheviks gradually in sight, the superiority complex of Russianized Koreans over their fellow countrymen who were yet to be Russianized became so strong that even the deliberate curb of Bolshevik leaders had no effect. The same was the case with those naturalized Koreans who came into north Korea with the Soviet Occupation Forces. Thus, apart from those aged Koreans who had to become naturalized in order to make a living, young naturalized Koreans became the important factor that created the split of the Korean community in Siberia of the turbulant days following the Bolshevik Revolution. One good example is the violent strife for hegemony by the naturalized Koreans at Irkutsk.
Another important factor that fomented the split of the Korean community was the heroism and traditional sectarianism of the leaders. They disorganized their organizations without any definite and reasonable grounds, any easily organized new ones without any scientific preparation. Thus, with the lapse of time, some organizations spontancously disappeared and some others became tools of the Bolsheviks.
This may be attributable to a lack of independence and immatureness in political training, but to be more exact, external forces- the military oppression of the Japanese army and the political and ideological influence of the Bolsheviks- constituted the dominant factors of this phenomenon.
An objective survey of the Korean community in Siberia reveals that the early Korean Communist movement began abroad and that it originated in the political and ideological attitudes of Koreans in Russia. The Korean Socialist Party and the Koryo Communist Party, which are known by word of mouth rather than by literature, existed in the Russian territory. For those Koreans in Russia who launched a struggle for the national independence of Korea. Lenin's regime, which declared its positive commitment in the support of liberation struggles of the colonized peoples, had a great charm. On the other hand, to the eyes of the Bolsheviks, the Korean settlers constituted a useful labor force for the exploitation of Siberia under the naturalization policy of Tsarist Russia, and furthermore, their anti-Japanese struggle could be utilized for the defense of Soviet Russia. It was for this reason that the Bolsheviks showed their sympathetic attitude toward all the Korean independence movement leaders. In fact, 200,000 Korean settlers in Siberia could have greatly contributed toward the defense of the fragile Soviet regime at the time of the Siberia expedition of Japanese troops, if their anti-Japanese struggle had been aptly steered for that purpose. The Koreans in Russia echoed the deliberate paternalism of the Lenin regime in a hope to materialize the independence of their fatherland. After the withdrawal of Japanese troops from Siberia, the Koran settlers came to be mobilized as industrial workers.
Thus, if we call the naturalization policy of Tsarist Russia the first Russianization policy, the Sovietization of the Korean settlers by the Bolsheviks can be called the second Russianization policy.
The political and ideological movements of the Korean settlers in Russia, which took place over long periods of time from the collective Korean emigration in the early 1860's to the Korean liberation in 1945, have not a little historical and political bearing on the territorial division of Korea today. Therefore, the study of the Korean settlers in Russia is of importance. To our regret, however, no systematic study has yet been attempted in this field in Korea.
This paper constitues the concluding part of the writers' article on "The Korean Settlers in Russia and Their Characteristics." Since that article is primarily an attempt to study the movements of the Korean settlers in Russia up until the March Russian Revolution, the present paper consider it to be too tedious. However, to grasp in a proper perspective the political and ideological movements of the Koreans in Siberia around the time of and after the October Bolshevik Revolution requires a full knowledge of the conditions in Siberia prior to the Revolution, Kalandaraswilin, a hero of the red partisans in Siberia of the turbulent days, Boris Shumiatsky, an outstanding Bolshevist, and Krasno Shchekov, Premier of the Republic of Far East, *all had close connections with the political organizations of the Korean settlers in Siberia.
Following the Bolshevik Revolution, there appeared various socialist, communist and nationalist organizations by Koreans across the country from Vladivostok in the east to Moscow in the west, and even pro-Japanese organizations after the Siberial expedition of Japanese troops. Though those organizations were professedly formed for the cause of the independence of Korea, they were bent on factional strife. It is interesting to note that with the victory of the Bolsheviks gradually in sight, the superiority complex of Russianized Koreans over their fellow countrymen who were yet to be Russianized became so strong that even the deliberate curb of Bolshevik leaders had no effect. The same was the case with those naturalized Koreans who came into north Korea with the Soviet Occupation Forces. Thus, apart from those aged Koreans who had to become naturalized in order to make a living, young naturalized Koreans became the important factor that created the split of the Korean community in Siberia of the turbulant days following the Bolshevik Revolution. One good example is the violent strife for hegemony by the naturalized Koreans at Irkutsk.
Another important factor that fomented the split of the Korean community was the heroism and traditional sectarianism of the leaders. They disorganized their organizations without any definite and reasonable grounds, any easily organized new ones without any scientific preparation. Thus, with the lapse of time, some organizations spontancously disappeared and some others became tools of the Bolsheviks.
This may be attributable to a lack of independence and immatureness in political training, but to be more exact, external forces- the military oppression of the Japanese army and the political and ideological influence of the Bolsheviks- constituted the dominant factors of this phenomenon.
An objective survey of the Korean community in Siberia reveals that the early Korean Communist movement began abroad and that it originated in the political and ideological attitudes of Koreans in Russia. The Korean Socialist Party and the Koryo Communist Party, which are known by word of mouth rather than by literature, existed in the Russian territory. For those Koreans in Russia who launched a struggle for the national independence of Korea. Lenin's regime, which declared its positive commitment in the support of liberation struggles of the colonized peoples, had a great charm. On the other hand, to the eyes of the Bolsheviks, the Korean settlers constituted a useful labor force for the exploitation of Siberia under the naturalization policy of Tsarist Russia, and furthermore, their anti-Japanese struggle could be utilized for the defense of Soviet Russia. It was for this reason that the Bolsheviks showed their sympathetic attitude toward all the Korean independence movement leaders. In fact, 200,000 Korean settlers in Siberia could have greatly contributed toward the defense of the fragile Soviet regime at the time of the Siberia expedition of Japanese troops, if their anti-Japanese struggle had been aptly steered for that purpose. The Koreans in Russia echoed the deliberate paternalism of the Lenin regime in a hope to materialize the independence of their fatherland. After the withdrawal of Japanese troops from Siberia, the Koran settlers came to be mobilized as industrial workers.
Thus, if we call the naturalization policy of Tsarist Russia the first Russianization policy, the Sovietization of the Korean settlers by the Bolsheviks can be called the second Russianization policy.
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