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자료유형
학술저널
저자정보
저널정보
한국스페인어문학회(구 한국서어서문학회) 스페인어문학 스페인어문학 제40호
발행연도
2006.1
수록면
43 - 58 (16page)

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This paper investigates the dual property of the Spanish raising verb parecer: parecer as a raising predicate and a control one. As it is well-known, the raising verb and the control take infinitive clause as their complement, but they have been treated as distinctive constructions. Within the GB framework, the raising verb cannot take its subject, and its complement subject position cannot be case- assigned; it triggers subject raising from the embedded clause to the matrix subject position. After raising, the NP trace must be governed to satisfy the ECP. Meanwhile, the control verb takes PRO in the subject position of its complement; in this case there is not any movement. The binding theoretic approach that appeals to the governing category does not capture the property of PRO because PRO in itself bears pronominal and anaphoric property. Therefore its referential relation is dealt with control theory rather than binding theory. Assuming that PRO should be ungoverned, the NP trace and PRO lie in complementary distribution. From this traditional view on grammatical function of raising and control verbs, the raising verb never takes PRO in its complement. However, there is an empirical example in Spanish that the raising predicate parecer can also constitute control construction. This conflicts with conventional notion of both predicates. In this paper we suggest the dual property of parecer along the line of Hernanz(1999) and Fernández Leborans(1999). The minimalist approach makes it possible because the syntactic constituents are derived derivationally, not representationally. We will prove, based on the minimalist assumption, that parecer constitutes both raising and control constructions if there is not any uninterpretable feature unchecked during the course of derivation, and its grammaticality can be explained derivationally unappealing to any stipulation imposed in GB analysis.

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