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학술연구/단체지원/교육 등 연구자 활동을 지속하도록 DBpia가 지원하고 있어요.
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This paper deals with the intervention effect of dative experiencers and the parametric variation in terms of A-movement between French and English raising constructions. According to the series of Chomsky's Minimalist Program, a general A-movement occurs in order of Agree-Move. Agree is a prerequisite step towards Move and is subject to the locality conditions, but Move is not. In order to address the problems with A-movement, Goto(2013) proposes the order "Move-Agree" in English raising constructions. We will observe the corelation between Move and Agree and verify that, especially in French counterparts, quasi-argument expletives and real expletives must be distinguished in terms of A-movement. We conclude that French real expletives do not move but must be merged in the Spec-TP of the main clause. Based on the fact that there exist different syntactic operations in these constructions and various authors' opinions in acceptability, French counterparts can be accounted for by both the two orders. Finally, we will verify French dative experiencers must be differently taken care of from the English counterparts
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참고문헌 (19)
참고문헌 신청
Boskovic, Z / 2007 / On the Locality and Motivation of Move and Agree: An Even More Minimal Theory / Linguistic Inquiry 38(4):589~644
Burzio, L. / 1986 / Italian Syntax: A Government-Binding Approach / D. Reidel
Chomsky, N. / 1995 / The Minimalist Program / MIT Press
Chomsky, N / 2000 / Step by Step: Essays on Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik / MIT Press :89~155
Chomsky, N / 2013 / Problems of Projection / Lingua 130:33~49
Burzio, L. / 1986 / Italian Syntax: A Government-Binding Approach / D. Reidel
Chomsky, N. / 1995 / The Minimalist Program / MIT Press
Chomsky, N / 2000 / Step by Step: Essays on Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik / MIT Press :89~155
Chomsky, N / 2013 / Problems of Projection / Lingua 130:33~49
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