삭발과 엄격한 금욕으로 상징된 전통적인 비구니 외에 한국불교의 여성 성직자는 종파별로 매우 다양한 형태로 존재한다. 이 논문은 현대 한국불교 여성 성직자의 현황을 조사하고, 그들이 어떤 젠더경험(gender experience)을 하고 있는지 심층인터뷰를 통해 분석한 것이다. 불교종단 성차별 현황의 비교와 비판보다는, 불교여성 성직자의 억압된 젠더경험을 기록하고 분석하는 것에, 여성주의적 해방의 의의를 두고 연구의 지향점을 설정하였다. 연구 대상은 한국불교의 주류 종단 조계종을 제외한 3개 종단, 즉 태고종, 천태종, 진각종 여성 성직자로 한정하였다. 이들은 현실적으로 각 교단에서 적지 않은 비중을 차지하고 있으나 지금까지 대중적으로나 학문적으로 거의 주목을 받지 못했다.
태고종의 비구니는 종단 정치나 여러 면에서 소외되어 있지만 교단으로부터 별로 통제받지 않고 개인 사찰 소유권을 인정받으면서 대체로 자유롭게 운영하고 있었다. 한편, 태고종 특유의 재가 사찰운영자인 교임 및 전법사를 여성 성직자 범주에서 함께 살펴보았다.
천태종의 경우 삭발을 하지 않고 십선계를 수지하며 대부분의 비구니들이 본사 구인사 내에서 공동 생활하는 특징이 있다. 주지 임명을 비롯한 주요 권한을 비구니에게 부여하지 않아 오랫동안 비판이 제기되어 왔는데, 최근 종단 사회복지 기관의 비구니 원장사례가 보여 비구니 위상 변화의 계기가 될 것인지 주목된다.
진각종은 가장 양성평등도가 높고, 재가 여성교역자, 전수(傳受)의 왕성했던 활동사를 보이지만, 부부중심이 강화되면서 주요 대표역할이 남성들에게 집중되어 갔다. 전수들은 대신 엄격하게 준수되어야 하는 일상의 의례수행과 신도 심방 등의 타이트한 종교업무의 현실에 묶여 있다.
여성 구술연구에서 ‘말하는 내용’과 함께 ‘말하는 방식’의 중요성이 제기된 것을 적용하여, 여성들이 어떤 상황에서 적극적으로 성차별의식을 드러내고, 어떤 주제는 왜 다르게 반응하는가 그 맥락을 분석하고자 했다. 이 연구를 통해 기대하는 효과는 한국불교문화를 바라보는 조계종 중심의 고정관념, 그리고 각 종단 엘리트 남성들이 형성해 온 담론구조, 마지막으로는 종교여성을 성차별 희생자로 보거나 계몽대상화하는 시각 등을 깨뜨리고자 한다.
Shaven head and strict ascetic practice represent Buddhist bhikkunis. In reality, however, Korean Buddhist nuns of today show remarkable differences depending on which order they belong to. This paper presents the field survey closely looking into the current status of Buddhist nuns in modified contemporary Buddhist culture in Korea. It also discusses their gender experiences through in-depth interviews. The Jogye Order, the major order of traditional Korean Buddhism is ruled out of this study and Buddhist nuns who are members of other three Orders, that is, the Taego Order, the Cheontae Order, and the Jingak Order, are studied here in focus. Despite their playing leading roles in contemporary Korean religion, they have not drawn much of academic attention.
First of all, the Taego Order has only been known as the community of married Buddhist monks who have long disputed with bhikkus of the Jogye Order. This explains the little knowledge about whether the Order includes bhikkunis or not. There is very few who are aware of the reality even inside the Buddhist community.
The total number of monks was reported to be 6,105 throughout the Taego Order, whereas there were 1,293 nuns in the Order. They take similar entrance courses regardless of their sex. But regulations of this Order clearly stipulate that bhikkunis are treated differently from bhikkus in hierarchical ranking, which causes bhikkunis‘ isolation from central politics as well as religious position. Nevertheless, bhikkunis of the Order, not much controlled by the central administration, freely run their private temple.
A bhikkuni of the Taego Order whom I interviewed did not show much interest in the nature of men-centered politics of the Order. But, she expressed indignation over the fact that a monk she guided had to be enrolled under another monk due to the restriction that a bhikkuni can not have a bhikku disciple. This will be analyzed as the nun‘s own gender experience.
Meanwhile, she remained silent to the question asking if bhikkunis seemingly unmarried in public get actually married and live with their family. There were cases where some bhikkunis of this Order made their home at the same time engaging in religious activity as a nun. While male priests of this Order can marry unrestrained, bhikkunis are not willing to reveal their real life because of social conventions. Therefore, the fact that she avoided to answer the question will be analyzed as another gender experience.
There are 250 bhikkunis in the Cheontae Order which was newly established; there are 150 bhikkus, which speaks of higher percentage of nuns who are, however, not given the right to operate the temple. Most of nuns stay at the Guinsa Temple that is the head temple of the Order.
Another distinctive characteristic is that they grow their hair long while celibacy is strictly requested. They do not receive traditional 348 precepts for bhikkunis, instead, they only received ten precepts of Mahayana Buddhism.
A bhikkuni from the Cheontae Order I interviewed tried not to complain much about great restrictions on nuns‘ activities, yet she did expect the advent of changes. Another bhikkuni did not want to talk about the structure of the Order, rather she was dissatisfied with rigid hierarchy of bhikkunis.
The female clergy of the Jingak Order is not called a bhikkuni but a ‘Jeonsu(傳受)‘. Apart from several exceptions, most of them get married and engage in the religious vocation (173 female and 139 male). Gender equality is performed better in this institution comparing with the other Buddhist Orders or other religions. The clergy women of this Order, nevertheless, let their husband cover the role representing the temple and the Order, while they take the responsibility to strictly observe daily ritual and practice.
Meeting lay people and counselling them are added to their heavy religious duties, so they can not have their personal life time or chances to pursue new religious culture.
A female clergy of this Order said at the interview that it was hard to be a housewife and clergy woman at the same time, but she was reluctant to discuss conflicts with her husband and partner clergy. This was because they apparently wanted the Order to develop through male clergy‘s expanding the area. In this context, her gendered consciousness is likely to be ‘shelved‘. This could be interpretated to be another style of gender experience.
