지원사업
학술연구/단체지원/교육 등 연구자 활동을 지속하도록 DBpia가 지원하고 있어요.
커뮤니티
연구자들이 자신의 연구와 전문성을 널리 알리고, 새로운 협력의 기회를 만들 수 있는 네트워킹 공간이에요.
초록· 키워드
오류제보하기
Ko (2016) proposes that gapless right dislocations are divided into two types: Specificational right-dislocation constructions are derived by rightward movement in a mono-clausal structure and repetitive right-dislocations are result of leftward movement and ellipsis in a bi-clausal structure. We examine Ko’s (2016) proposals in depth, and defend the claim that RD in Korean can still be uniformly analyzed as bi-clausal structure (host clause plus appendix clause) and that a right-dislocated phrase undergoes movement to a clause initial position in appendix clause and the rest of the clause undergoes deletion (cf. D. Chung 2009; Kim & Hong 2013; Ahn & Cho 2014a). We show that our uniform analysis may naturally account for the parallelism between right-dislocations and fragments that Ko’s (2016) hybrid analysis cannot explain. Our proposal also sheds light on the correlation between the double accusative constructions and gapless specificational RDCs, and further clarifies the issues related to constraints on wh-appendix and asymmetries in question-answer among RDCs in Korean.
목차
1. Introduction
2. Parallelism between RDCs and Fragments: On Island Sensitivity
3. Gapless Specificational RDCs and Double Accusative Constructions
4. Further Implications: Wh-appendix, Question-Answer Asymmetries
5. Concluding Remarks
References
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UCI(KEPA) : I410-ECN-0101-2017-701-001135689