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Two factors contributed to the emergence of mei 沒 in the course of diachronic development of Chinese. The first factor is semantic and functional in its nature. By the mechanism of metonymy, the meaning of mei 沒 as a main predicate was extended from “to sink” and “to disappear” to “not to exist.” The second factor is phonological. Wu 無 and wei 未, which had been used as an existential negative and a perfective negative respectively, lost the [m]-initial, and consequently their status as m-negatives as well. This caused mei 沒, which semantically was undergoing grammaticalization into an existential negative, to substitute for the pre-existing existential negative wu 無 first. After the property of boundedness is firmly established in Chinese predicates later on, mei 沒 extended its meaning and function to become a perfective negative, finally attaining the status as a new m-negative. However, the substitution of existential and perfective negatives by mei 沒 mainly occurred in the Northern dialects only. In many of the Southern dialects in which the [m]-initial of wu 無 and wei 未 was retained, an existential negative and a perfective negative are still distinct, and no substitution by mei 沒 has occurred.
Another noteworthy aspect of the development of the negatives in Chinese is that it reflects the development of Chinese from a synthetic to analytic language. A negative with a complex function developed into a negative with the sole function of negating, as illustrated by the development of mei 沒, meiyou 沒有, and mei 沒 V. The development of the negative pairs such as wei 未 vs. weiceng 未曾, wu 無 vs. wuyou 無有, fei 非 vs. feishi 非是 can be viewed in the same vein. The analyticization process resulted in the reduction of the multitude of negatives to just two, namely, bu 不 and mei 沒.
Another noteworthy aspect of the development of the negatives in Chinese is that it reflects the development of Chinese from a synthetic to analytic language. A negative with a complex function developed into a negative with the sole function of negating, as illustrated by the development of mei 沒, meiyou 沒有, and mei 沒 V. The development of the negative pairs such as wei 未 vs. weiceng 未曾, wu 無 vs. wuyou 無有, fei 非 vs. feishi 非是 can be viewed in the same vein. The analyticization process resulted in the reduction of the multitude of negatives to just two, namely, bu 不 and mei 沒.
목차
1. Introduction
2. The correlativity of existence and perfectivity
3. Diachronic change in the relative frequencies of wei 未, wu 無, and mei 沒
4. The grammaticalization of mei 沒
5. Phonological changes and the substitution by mei 沒
6. Conclusion
【References】
【Abstract】
참고문헌 (35)
참고문헌 신청
1. [단행본] - Miestamo / 2005 / Standard Negation: The Negation of Declarative Verbal Main Clauses in a Typological Perspective / Berlin
2. [단행본] - Kahrel & Berg / 1994 / Studies in Negation / John Benjamins Publishing Company
3. [단행본] - Xu Dan / 2006 / Typological Change in Chinese Syntax / Oxford University Press
4. [단행본] - Heine / 1997 / Possession / Cambridge University Press
5. [단행본] - Pulleyblank / 1995 / Outline of Classical Chinese Grammar / UBC Press
2. [단행본] - Kahrel & Berg / 1994 / Studies in Negation / John Benjamins Publishing Company
3. [단행본] - Xu Dan / 2006 / Typological Change in Chinese Syntax / Oxford University Press
4. [단행본] - Heine / 1997 / Possession / Cambridge University Press
5. [단행본] - Pulleyblank / 1995 / Outline of Classical Chinese Grammar / UBC Press
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UCI(KEPA) : I410-ECN-0101-2016-820-001610107