지원사업
학술연구/단체지원/교육 등 연구자 활동을 지속하도록 DBpia가 지원하고 있어요.
커뮤니티
연구자들이 자신의 연구와 전문성을 널리 알리고, 새로운 협력의 기회를 만들 수 있는 네트워킹 공간이에요.
초록· 키워드
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This paper deals with the noun stem-final change t, c, ch, th＞s in Western dialects of Korean. This change affected the noun stem-final coronal obstruents before vowel-initial suffixes: for example, kat-i＞kas-i ‘Korean hat＋nominative suffix’, pich-ul＞pis-ul ‘light＋accusative suffix’. The change began to occur in the 17th century and has not been completed yet. Why and how the change took place can be explained as below.
17th century Korean had t, s, c, ch and th for noun stem-final coronal obstruents. They were realized before vowel-initial suffixes as [d, s, j, c?, t?] respectively. But in unsuffixed isolation forms and before consonant-initial suffixes they were neutralized to [t]. This neutralization resulted from diachronic changes. In the 17th century [s] was by far most frequently realized sound among the noun stem-final coronal obstruents. And speakers recognized the isolation forms as underlying in spite of the fact that relative token frequency of the isolation forms (plus forms before consonant-initial suffixes) was lower than that of the forms before vowel-initial suffixes. This can be explained by the following fact. When we bring to mind a noun, it is always the isolation form that occurs to us.
The rules that applied prevocalically to nouns ending in a coronal obstruent were /t/→[d], /t/→[s], /t/→[j], /t/→[c?] and /t/→[t?]. These rules could not be predicted and speakers had to remember which rule applied to each noun. The latter four of the above rules are inverted rules because the directions of them are opposite respectively to those of the diachronic changes s＞t, c＞t, ch＞t and th＞t that occurred in coda position. The rule /t/→[s], which applied by far most frequently, has begun to replace the other rules. This replacement is the noun stem-final change t, c, ch, th＞s. By this change t-, c-, ch- and th-final stems become s-final and the t～s alternation is extended. This is an example of analogical extension.
The replacement of the rule /t/→[d] with the rule /t/→[s] occurred first and has already been completed. The fact that the t([d])-final stem is least resistent to the change can be explained as follows. Since the 16th century Korean has the t～s alternation but no alternations such as c～s, ch～s and th～s. The t～s alternation has greatly high frequency, therefore there is a close relationship between t([t/d]) and s and speakers may be somewhat insensitive to difference between them. On the other hand, ch([c?])- and th([t?])-final stems are quite resistant to the change. This is most probably because perceptual salience of [c?] and [t?] attracts speakers’ keen attention. Nouns of place and time are special. Their locative forms, i.e., their stems plus the locative suffix -ey have been nearly fused into single units. Therefore their stems before the locative suffix are most strongly resistant to the change.
17th century Korean had t, s, c, ch and th for noun stem-final coronal obstruents. They were realized before vowel-initial suffixes as [d, s, j, c?, t?] respectively. But in unsuffixed isolation forms and before consonant-initial suffixes they were neutralized to [t]. This neutralization resulted from diachronic changes. In the 17th century [s] was by far most frequently realized sound among the noun stem-final coronal obstruents. And speakers recognized the isolation forms as underlying in spite of the fact that relative token frequency of the isolation forms (plus forms before consonant-initial suffixes) was lower than that of the forms before vowel-initial suffixes. This can be explained by the following fact. When we bring to mind a noun, it is always the isolation form that occurs to us.
The rules that applied prevocalically to nouns ending in a coronal obstruent were /t/→[d], /t/→[s], /t/→[j], /t/→[c?] and /t/→[t?]. These rules could not be predicted and speakers had to remember which rule applied to each noun. The latter four of the above rules are inverted rules because the directions of them are opposite respectively to those of the diachronic changes s＞t, c＞t, ch＞t and th＞t that occurred in coda position. The rule /t/→[s], which applied by far most frequently, has begun to replace the other rules. This replacement is the noun stem-final change t, c, ch, th＞s. By this change t-, c-, ch- and th-final stems become s-final and the t～s alternation is extended. This is an example of analogical extension.
The replacement of the rule /t/→[d] with the rule /t/→[s] occurred first and has already been completed. The fact that the t([d])-final stem is least resistent to the change can be explained as follows. Since the 16th century Korean has the t～s alternation but no alternations such as c～s, ch～s and th～s. The t～s alternation has greatly high frequency, therefore there is a close relationship between t([t/d]) and s and speakers may be somewhat insensitive to difference between them. On the other hand, ch([c?])- and th([t?])-final stems are quite resistant to the change. This is most probably because perceptual salience of [c?] and [t?] attracts speakers’ keen attention. Nouns of place and time are special. Their locative forms, i.e., their stems plus the locative suffix -ey have been nearly fused into single units. Therefore their stems before the locative suffix are most strongly resistant to the change.
목차
1. 머리말
2. 변화의 방향 : 빈도 효과
3. 변화의 동인 : 고립형의 가치
4. 변화에 대한 저항
5. 부사의 ‘ㅅ’ 되기
6. 맺음말
참고문헌
〈Abstract〉
참고문헌 (69)
참고문헌 신청
1. [학술지(정기간행물)] - 고광모 / 1989 / 체언 끝의 변화 ㄷ > ㅅ에 대한 새로운 해석 / 언어학 (11) : 3 ~ 22
2. [학술지(정기간행물)] - 고광모 / 1996 / 음운 변화의 유형과 양상 / 목포대학교 논문집 17 (2) : 1 ~ 15
3. [단행본] - 고광모 / 1997 / 국어학 연구의 새 지평 : 성재 이돈주 선생 화갑 기념 / 태학사 : 707 ~ 730
4. [학술지(정기간행물)] - 고광모 / 2009 / ‘이시-/잇-＞있-, -어시-/-엇-＞-었-, -게시-/-겟-＞-겠-’의 변화 / 언어학 (53) : 115 ~ 140
5. [학술지(정기간행물)] - 고광모 / 2012 / 15세기 국어의 종성 /ㅅ/에 대하여 －종성 /ㅅ/을 확인하고 선어말어미 {-삽-}의 교체를 설명함－ / 國語學 (64) : 3 ~ 34
2. [학술지(정기간행물)] - 고광모 / 1996 / 음운 변화의 유형과 양상 / 목포대학교 논문집 17 (2) : 1 ~ 15
3. [단행본] - 고광모 / 1997 / 국어학 연구의 새 지평 : 성재 이돈주 선생 화갑 기념 / 태학사 : 707 ~ 730
4. [학술지(정기간행물)] - 고광모 / 2009 / ‘이시-/잇-＞있-, -어시-/-엇-＞-었-, -게시-/-겟-＞-겠-’의 변화 / 언어학 (53) : 115 ~ 140
5. [학술지(정기간행물)] - 고광모 / 2012 / 15세기 국어의 종성 /ㅅ/에 대하여 －종성 /ㅅ/을 확인하고 선어말어미 {-삽-}의 교체를 설명함－ / 國語學 (64) : 3 ~ 34
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UCI(KEPA) : I410-ECN-0101-2016-710-000953086