This paper aims to thoroughly examine subject-oriented resultatives in English to explain an intra-linguistic difference in their syntactic distribution, and then search a parameter (as well as a universal principle) to explain a cross-linguistic difference between English and Korean. Based on the syntax-semantic interface theory, I propose that the semantic property, goal-oriented terminus (or telicity), of subject-oriented resultatives is measured out by the scale of path that the subject has gone through. This implies that the subject argument (as well as the (in)direct object argument) may be defined as aspectually required argument in some group of directed motion verbs, contra ordinary belief (Tenny 1994, Levin & Rappaport 1995, van Hout 2000, Wechsler 2005). And I assume with Huang’s (1989, 2006) Generalized Control Theory and Functional Parameterization Hypothesis to claim that Korean subject-oriented resultatives, unlike English counterparts, include a logical subject, Pro[+pronominal], in their (stative or open-ended adjective) result phrase as complete functional complex, which explains the contrast between English and Korean in their syntactic distribution.