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논문 기본 정보

자료유형
학술저널
저자정보
Daeho Chung (Hanyang University)
저널정보
서울대학교 언어교육원 어학연구 어학연구 제50권 제2호
발행연도
2014.8
수록면
461 - 485 (25page)

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초록· 키워드

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Kramer and Rawlins (K & R 2009) analyze short answers yes and no to a polar question as sentence fragments involving TP ellipsis along the similar lines of Merchant’s (2001, 2004) treatment of short answers to a content question. Their TP ellipsis analysis was mainly grounded on the following two factual claims in (i) and (ii) and the theoretical assumption in (iii): (i) Short answers to an outer negative question carry the same meaning as short answers to an affirmative question; (ii) Short answers yes and no to an inner negative question are neutralized as a negative meaning, which K & R (2009) dub as negative neutralization; and (iii) the interpretable negative feature of a negative sentence may reside in the higher or lower Σ. This paper, however, refutes the factual claim in (ii) (negative neutralization) and the theoretical assumption in (iii). It is shown that (ii) is not (at least not always) empirically supported, when corpus data is considered, and that (iii) faces non-trivial theoretical problems. This paper instead proposes that the interpretable negative feature resides in the higher Σ, treating an overt or covert negation morpheme in the lower Σ as pleonastic. The proposed higher negative theory draws further support from the scope widening effects of negation and polarity reversals displayed in NPI/N-word fragmental answers to a content question.

목차

1. Introduction
2. Short Answers, Negative Neutralization, and the Locus of[iNEG] in K & R (2009)
3. What Corpus Data Says about Negative Neutralization
4. K & R’s (2009) Assumption on the Locus of [iNEG] and Some Theoretical Problems
5. Proposal: [iNEG] at the Higher Σ
6. Further Evidence
7. Summary
References

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