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논문 기본 정보

자료유형
학술저널
저자정보
Kim Sahyang (홍익대학교) Cho Taehong (한양대학교)
저널정보
한국음성학회 말소리와 음성과학 말소리와 음성과학 제3권 제4호
발행연도
2011.12
수록면
13 - 21 (9page)

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초록· 키워드

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The present study investigated the effects of two different sources of prosodic strengthening, i.e., boundary and accent, in the articulation of English high front vowels, /i/ and /?/. The vowels were investigated in vowel-initial (‘eat’ vs. ‘it’), /h/-initial (‘heat’ vs. ‘hit’) and /p/-initial words (‘Pete’ vs. ‘pit’), which were placed in varying prosodic conditions. Using Electromagnetic Articulograph (EMA), the tongue dorsum positions in the x and y dimensions, the lip opening and the jaw opening (lowering) were measured. With respect to the boundary-induced strengthening, results showed that /i/ and /?/ in vowel-initial words (‘eat’ - ‘it’) are produced with a higher tongue position in the domain-intial than domain-medial positions. The fact that the vowels only in the vowel-initial condition showed the domain-intial strengthening (DIS) effect suggests that the DIS effect is localized mainly to the initial position (the locality account). As for the accent-induced strengthening, vowels were produced with a more fronted tongue position and larger lip opening in accented than unaccented positions. This suggests that the presence of accent increases overall sonority of the vowels in various prosodic contexts, and enhances primarily the frontedness of the front high vowels. Taken together, the results indicate that the two types of prosodic strengthening are articulatorily realized differently, supporting the view that they are encoded separately in the speech planning process. The present study also showed the distinction between the two high front vowels in the tongue position (in both the frontedness and the height dimensions), while the jaw did not seem to contribute to the distinction robustly, suggesting that the tongue contributes more in distinguishing the two vowels than the jaw does.

목차

ABSTRACT
1. Introduction
2. Method
3. Results
4. Discussion
5. Conclusion
Acknowledgement
References

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UCI(KEPA) : I410-ECN-0101-2013-701-001384920