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This thesis looks into the ama and the women sea divers from an ethnical viewpoint taking the field samples from the investigated data carried out in Sugajima Island which was the women sea divers' island located in Shima peninsula, Mieken (7.9~7.17. 2002) and Haengwon-li, Gujwa-eup, North Jeju Coonty(June 2001~May 2002) The ethnical viewpoint of the two areas were studied from topics ranging from exchanges in leaving the homeground to dive, fishing capabilities according to the diving operations, the diving methods and tools, as well as religious and sentimental perspectives.
When looking at the relationship between Japan and Korea in terms of leaving the home territories to dive, the women sea divers of Shima, Mie prefect whose age ranged from 19-20 went to Chosun between the Meiji period (1868~1912) to the beginning of the Showa period (1926~1989). Specific period to work away from home was from March to September during which they received a contract payment. They worked in the areas between Wonsan and Jangki point. They came by passenger ship and dived from a boat which could carry up to 13 people. The amount of money they earned was far greater than any other form of work. The work away from home was tempting to the women sea divers not only in economic terms but it also had the benefit of being able to travel to other regions.
However, in 1895 when the Jeju women sea divers started working away from home to Kyeongsangnamdo, the Japanese amas went home and the Jeju women sea divers in tum started to work away from home to Miyakejima in 1903. The Jeju women sea divers worked much better in the cold for less money than the Japanese Ises amas. Consequently, the number of women sea divers working away from home increased every year reaching up to about 1600 in 1932(7th year of the Showa period). After 1929, the amas of Miyaken disappeared completely.
At present, there are Jeju women sea divers who have been to Tokyo, Hoso peninsula in the Chiba prefect, Mieken, Kagoshima, Nagasaki and Susima.
The direct reason for working away from home was the advent of the Japanese fishing business owners to Jeju Island. This was because of the devastation of the fisheries by long periods of stay in the water during the summer while wearing diving suits and being supplied with oxygen. The Jeju women sea divers were greatly welcomed in Japan which needed a lot of the sea diving skills on the part of the women.
However, we are able to realize the fact that the perspective about working away from home was relative. That is to say, there is a difference depending on who the operating body was. While the working away from Japan on the part of the Japanese were positive, the Jeju women sea divers were negative about working away from home. The basic reason for this was because the extortion and breach of contract carried out towards the colonial women sea divers in the 1970's were repeatedly carried out during their work in Japan.
The women sea divers' operation and period of work differs with each region. The point being the avoidance of the breeding period of the sea produce according to each different region. The difference in diving methods especially seems to have been a lot easier for the 'Funado' amas of Shima who mostly used the boars to dive than the Jeju women sea divers who used the taewaks(a floating device used by women sea divers to put their catch in).
In Japan, they always kept the efforts in protecting the nature in mind. There are some questions about how effective some methods are like catching by hand without using goggles, not limiting to only raising the sea produce and not wearing rubber clothes. However, their efforts should be highly regarded compared to the situation in Jeju where they go in whenever when they can to catch fish.
The amas distributed all over Japan only collect shells and sea weeds and do not use spears to catch fish. However, Jeju women sea divers always go into the water with a tool called 'sosal' and use them to spear the fish from time to time while collecting the abalones and shells. From 1940's onwards, they mostly used a rubber band sosal.
If the special characteristics according to the religious practices of the two areas were to be put together, the regional differences are obvious. If Jeju were to have retained the traditional religious practices, Sugajima of Japan seems to have industrialized their religious practices and production format by making them into festival-like events.
In the Jeju shamanism, the incantations and religious primitivism created within the daily livelihood of the women sea divers remains as it is while the Shirongo Machiri(festival) of Sugajima continues to exist as a ceremonial act of offering the abalones at the shrine which had been carried out in various other regions leading to a festival atmosphere. Herein lies the difference of the religious ceremonies in the two regions.
In other words, this appears to be an effort to reproduce the island culture and preserving the traditions successfully by adding holism to the festivals whereby festivals and religion are considered to be inseparable. In the meantime, the Chilmeoridang Gut (Exorcism rite) or the Jamsu Gut as well as the ceremony to the Haesindang in Jeju should be open to the general public and it is necessary to make this into a basis for tourism adding the divers' work and cultural aspects to it.
The 'Jeju Women Sea Divers' Song' which can be said to be the manifestation of the sentiments of the women sea divers dearly reveals the rowing function and represents a variety of emotions in the livelihood and mostly consists of lamenting about their lot. This is a folk song which had been made according to the usage value of labor and not a purposeful creative attempt. The boat rowing function, the actual time and space situation, the purpose of labor, spirit and vigor of labor, a negative outlook about life, and yearnings towards a hopeful life are well represented. On the other hand, the songs of Sugajima amas are prevalent with a neo-folk song characteristics which was created for the purpose of the machiri except for the 'Song of the swimming women sea divers' which was sung in the past and strongly reflects everyday life. These songs are lively and happy revealing a love for their native land along with the pleasures of the festival.
When looking at the relationship between Japan and Korea in terms of leaving the home territories to dive, the women sea divers of Shima, Mie prefect whose age ranged from 19-20 went to Chosun between the Meiji period (1868~1912) to the beginning of the Showa period (1926~1989). Specific period to work away from home was from March to September during which they received a contract payment. They worked in the areas between Wonsan and Jangki point. They came by passenger ship and dived from a boat which could carry up to 13 people. The amount of money they earned was far greater than any other form of work. The work away from home was tempting to the women sea divers not only in economic terms but it also had the benefit of being able to travel to other regions.
However, in 1895 when the Jeju women sea divers started working away from home to Kyeongsangnamdo, the Japanese amas went home and the Jeju women sea divers in tum started to work away from home to Miyakejima in 1903. The Jeju women sea divers worked much better in the cold for less money than the Japanese Ises amas. Consequently, the number of women sea divers working away from home increased every year reaching up to about 1600 in 1932(7th year of the Showa period). After 1929, the amas of Miyaken disappeared completely.
At present, there are Jeju women sea divers who have been to Tokyo, Hoso peninsula in the Chiba prefect, Mieken, Kagoshima, Nagasaki and Susima.
The direct reason for working away from home was the advent of the Japanese fishing business owners to Jeju Island. This was because of the devastation of the fisheries by long periods of stay in the water during the summer while wearing diving suits and being supplied with oxygen. The Jeju women sea divers were greatly welcomed in Japan which needed a lot of the sea diving skills on the part of the women.
However, we are able to realize the fact that the perspective about working away from home was relative. That is to say, there is a difference depending on who the operating body was. While the working away from Japan on the part of the Japanese were positive, the Jeju women sea divers were negative about working away from home. The basic reason for this was because the extortion and breach of contract carried out towards the colonial women sea divers in the 1970's were repeatedly carried out during their work in Japan.
The women sea divers' operation and period of work differs with each region. The point being the avoidance of the breeding period of the sea produce according to each different region. The difference in diving methods especially seems to have been a lot easier for the 'Funado' amas of Shima who mostly used the boars to dive than the Jeju women sea divers who used the taewaks(a floating device used by women sea divers to put their catch in).
In Japan, they always kept the efforts in protecting the nature in mind. There are some questions about how effective some methods are like catching by hand without using goggles, not limiting to only raising the sea produce and not wearing rubber clothes. However, their efforts should be highly regarded compared to the situation in Jeju where they go in whenever when they can to catch fish.
The amas distributed all over Japan only collect shells and sea weeds and do not use spears to catch fish. However, Jeju women sea divers always go into the water with a tool called 'sosal' and use them to spear the fish from time to time while collecting the abalones and shells. From 1940's onwards, they mostly used a rubber band sosal.
If the special characteristics according to the religious practices of the two areas were to be put together, the regional differences are obvious. If Jeju were to have retained the traditional religious practices, Sugajima of Japan seems to have industrialized their religious practices and production format by making them into festival-like events.
In the Jeju shamanism, the incantations and religious primitivism created within the daily livelihood of the women sea divers remains as it is while the Shirongo Machiri(festival) of Sugajima continues to exist as a ceremonial act of offering the abalones at the shrine which had been carried out in various other regions leading to a festival atmosphere. Herein lies the difference of the religious ceremonies in the two regions.
In other words, this appears to be an effort to reproduce the island culture and preserving the traditions successfully by adding holism to the festivals whereby festivals and religion are considered to be inseparable. In the meantime, the Chilmeoridang Gut (Exorcism rite) or the Jamsu Gut as well as the ceremony to the Haesindang in Jeju should be open to the general public and it is necessary to make this into a basis for tourism adding the divers' work and cultural aspects to it.
The 'Jeju Women Sea Divers' Song' which can be said to be the manifestation of the sentiments of the women sea divers dearly reveals the rowing function and represents a variety of emotions in the livelihood and mostly consists of lamenting about their lot. This is a folk song which had been made according to the usage value of labor and not a purposeful creative attempt. The boat rowing function, the actual time and space situation, the purpose of labor, spirit and vigor of labor, a negative outlook about life, and yearnings towards a hopeful life are well represented. On the other hand, the songs of Sugajima amas are prevalent with a neo-folk song characteristics which was created for the purpose of the machiri except for the 'Song of the swimming women sea divers' which was sung in the past and strongly reflects everyday life. These songs are lively and happy revealing a love for their native land along with the pleasures of the festival.
목차
Ⅰ. 서
Ⅱ. 출가물질과 이동
Ⅲ. 물질 방법과 물질 도구
Ⅳ. 아마 마쯔리와 해녀들의 신앙
Ⅴ. 해녀노래와 시롱고 마쯔리 우타
Ⅵ. 결어
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